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38 of 45 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars A Great Book on the Great Game!
Walberg's Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games is the best introduction to geopolitics that I have seen. Walberg begins by citing such classic theoreticians as Mackinder, Haushofer and Ratzel in his description of how the imperial center drains the resources of its periphery, and how the earth's geography has dictated a struggle between Eurasian land...
Published on July 21, 2011 by Kevin J. Barrett

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8 of 24 people found the following review helpful
1.0 out of 5 stars Communism opposed Imperialism?
This book posits that since the term "Great Game" (shorthand for the competition between Russia and Great Britain in the mid-to-late 19th Century) appeared, two forces have successively opposed "Imperialism". The first force that it says opposed imperialism was "communism".

Let's examine that idea for a minute. The idea that Communism opposed Imperialism...
Published on March 26, 2012 by Dr. Milo Jones


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38 of 45 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars A Great Book on the Great Game!, July 21, 2011
By 
Kevin J. Barrett (deep in the Wisconsin woods) - See all my reviews
(REAL NAME)   
This review is from: Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games (Paperback)
Walberg's Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games is the best introduction to geopolitics that I have seen. Walberg begins by citing such classic theoreticians as Mackinder, Haushofer and Ratzel in his description of how the imperial center drains the resources of its periphery, and how the earth's geography has dictated a struggle between Eurasian land powers (Russia, China, Germany, Islamdom ) and maritime rimlands (US, Britain, Japan) in which the latter are generally the aggressors -- though you wouldn't know that from their propaganda, which is probably all you ever see if you live in the West.

Walberg traces the evolution of Great Game I (pre-Russian revolution) into Great Game II (the Cold War era) and finally Great Game III (today's US-British-Israeli war for world conquest). Unlike the functional psychopaths who dominate in Political Science departments and policy-making positions, Walberg never loses sight of the almost unimaginable depravity of the whole enterprise, and the tidal wave of human suffering in which imperialism has nearly drowned the world.

What makes Walberg's book a real stand-out -- and what probably made it unpublishable by the major corporate houses -- is his honest analysis of the way the hardline Likudnik Zionists have seized power and dominated Great Game III. Though Walberg does not come right out and say that 9/11 was staged by the Mossad as a Zionist coup d'état, that is the unstated implication of the picture he paints, in which Zionist interests in destabilization and sheer mindless destruction of their Islamic enemies have trumped US interests in stabilizing and exploiting the Islamic rimlands. He hints at this in his introduction when he describes watching 9/11 on TV from Tashkent: "My immediate reaction was that their (the Twin Towers') collapse simply could not be the work of a band of poorly-trained Muslims orchestrated by someone in a cave in neighboring Afghanistan. Subsequent study has confirmed to me that the events of 2001 had far more to do with US imperialism --and Israel--than Islam." (p. 16)

Walberg's exemplary honesty extends to his discussion of the role of Jewish financiers in the creation of the British-American empires, in which the real power resides with bankers, not governments, and the way those same financial powers have established the "postmodern imperialism" of Great Game III: "The importance of the financial world and its use as parapolitics to the game strategy in Great Game III...like the importance of the Rothschilds to the strategies of Great Games I and II, cannot be overestimated. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion was initially viewed and continues to be seen by many as the program of an emancipated nineteenth century Jewish financial elite using Freemasonry as a vehicle to achieve world power. The worth of the Protocols is not assessed here. It is enough to trace the development of the politics of Zionism from attributable sources and to observe the moves it gives rise to." (p. 178). While the usual suspects will undoubted call him names, I think Walberg considerably understates the case. If, in fact, the Protocols were real, the actual, documented psychopathic viciousness and mendacity of Zionism would make their authors seem relatively benign by comparison.

Along the way, Walberg bravely voices the obvious but taboo answer to the question: Why in the world did the British, the world's greatest empire, give away Palestine to the Zionists? What was the quid-pro-quo? The answer, as everyone knows but as very few are brave enough to say out loud, is as follows:

"The promise of a Jewish state in Palestine was a direct result of Zionist lobbying of both the British and Germans as World War I dragged on. Jewish bankers were financing both sides in World War I. Rothschild and the Jewish Conjoint Foreign Committee (JCFC) lobbied the British government intensely during World War I to push for a commitment to a post-war Jewish state. As British fortunes ebbed, the JCFC assured Lord Robert Cecil that American Zionists would lobby for US entry into the war if the British were to promise a Jewish state in Palestine after the war."

In other words, the Zionists were responsible for the slaughter of the 117,465 Americans killed, and the 205,690 Americans wounded, in that utterly meaningless (for the US) war. Compared to the Zionist slaughter of Americans in World War I, the 1967 USS Liberty incident (34 killed, 170 wounded) and the Israeli-Zionist attacks on New York and Washington on 9/11/2001 (2,977 killed immediately, untold thousands wounded and killed by toxic dust, and more than 7,500 dead in the 9/11 wars) were small stuff.

Another potentially controversial bit of truth-telling is Walberg's discussion of the does-the-tail-wag-the-dog debates (p. 214 - 219). His conclusion is that yes, the Israeli tail does wag the American imperial dog, and more and more people are figuring this out. Walberg cites Anatole Lieven's argument that Israel offered the US strategic advantages during the Cold War, but has since become "a very serious strategic liability...This is not a case of the tail wagging the dog, but of the tail wagging the unfortunate dog around the room and banging its head against the ceiling." (p.218).

One of my favorite publishers, Margo Baldwin of Chelsea Green, told me during our radio interview that the biggest taboo in American publishing is criticism of Israel. I hope that the brave folks at Clarity Press continue to bust that taboo, and that Walberg's brilliant Postmodern Imperialism follows the path blazed by James Petras's The Power of Israel in the United States (which has now gone through seven printings) to become an underground bestseller.
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4 of 5 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars Capstone Work--Light in Places, Super-Deep in Others, June 1, 2012
This review is from: Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games (Paperback)
I read a lot -- across 98 categories (access my Amazon reviews via category at Phi Beta Iota the Public Intelligence Blog). WITHOUT HESITATION, this book is easily a solid five. Early in the book I have it as a four, annoyed by the shallowness of some of the pieces and the error on Jonathan Pollard--this treasonous scum-bag went to other countries before he got to Israel, in no way is he a Jewish hero, only a traitor--but by the time I finish the book I am tempted to go with a six (10% of my reading). It is a solid five. Those that think less of this book are missing the knowledge foundation necessary to appreciate what the author has done in 300 pages covering the last hundred years.

Two foundation books for appreciating this work include Tragedy & Hope: A History of the World in Our Time and The Naked Capitalist. Current books that bracket this one, the first cited by the author, include Confessions of an Economic Hit Man and Rule by Secrecy: The Hidden History That Connects the Trilateral Commission, the Freemasons, and the Great Pyramids.

I mention those up front to frame my view of this book as a serious combination of scholarly research and investigative journalism. Had the author included a who's who of key individual players as an appendix, this would have been a six.

By the end of the book I have a really strong appreciation for the manner in which the author has chosen to present his understanding of Great Game I (pre-WWI, UK versus Spain, Portugal, Russia, Germany, and emergent USA); Great Game II (US vs USSR and emerging new nations in play between them and original Great Game I players); and finally, Great Game III (USA as host to a parasitic Zionist Israel not to be confused with Jews generally or Judaism specifically).

The author focuses on the Middle East and Central Asian regions as a foundation for discussing how each of the "great powers" has sought to exploit the natural resources and geophysical locations of the elements of this region. While the author is brutally critical of the USA, and much in favor of local populations breaking free of the artificial boundaries imposed on them by various colonial powers (a topic covered very able in The Health of Nations: Society and Law beyond the State), the real villain in this group is the global Zionist web comprised of the Israeli government, Jewish banking interests led by the Rothchilds in Europe and Goldman Sachs in the USA.

QUOTE (34): The ideology that shapes each game creates a mind-set that captures the players' thinking processes, making them for the most part willing handmaidens to the game logic, losing their moral compass.

Others have examined how easily entire populations lose their moral compass, I will link to just two here: The Manufacture Of Evil: Ethics, Evolution, and the Industrial System, and The Pathology of Power.

The author discusses how "free trade," the International Monetary Fund and World Trade Organization, standing armies, and "exceptionalism" as code for non-accountability, all enable recurring grave atrocities against indigenous peoples.

I am fascinated by the author's discussion of how the CIA supported Saudi Arabian export of the Wahhabist version of Islam, and how Saudi Arabia is funding what is in essence an off the books CIA (also known as the Safari Club) that is completely beyond any form of accountability under the US Constitution or its laws.

The author's discussion of specific Jewish appointments in the US Government, including 5 Cabinet officers and 2 Supreme Court justices under Bill Clinton, and his reference to the Judaization of the Department of State, is quite interesting in the larger context of the book.

There are areas where the author over-reaches, for example in over-stating US influence over UN agencies, but his discussion of how virtually all non-governmental and non-profit organizations have some form of funding from a mix of the CIA and the foundations and the banking families, is worthy of careful review.

I am fascinated by the author's presentation of Global Game IV as a financial game in which banks combine with criminal networks and intelligence agencies facilitating global drug trafficking set out to actually destroy many nation-states.

As the book draws to a close I am impressed by the discussion of the Russia-Iran axis; the discussion of Russia, India, and China; the growing power of non-state actors pressing Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS); the rejection by Jesus, Mohammed, and Marx of usury and interest; and the potential importance of what he calls the paleoconservatives (Patrick Buchanan, Ron Paul, and Eric Margolis.

Several appendices at the end of the book add value, my only quibble is that the author missed the past coup in Qatar and does not address the near-term coup very likely to topple the existing Qatar royal network that has been setting up billion dollar exit strategies around the world.

This is one of those books that just does not go far enough or deep enough for the topic it takes on. I give the author very high marks for his insights and research and general presentation, but adding up everything, I put the book down very disappointed that the author was unable to include a "map" of the key organizations and key individuals that represent the "fatal embrace" and parasitic control he profers as existing between Zionist Israel and a very corrupt US Government no longer representing the US public.

With my three remaining links I am hard-pressed to select from among the 1,800 books that support this author's general thrust, so here are three, with the recommendation that those interested in seeing my reviews of all the other books organized into a positive and a negative list of lists of book reviews, search for the two lines following these three:

War is a Racket: The Antiwar Classic by America's Most Decorated Soldier
The Battle for the Soul of Capitalism
DVD: Inside Job

See all the books in all the lists organized within the two lines below:

Worth a Look: Book Review Lists (Positive)

Worth a Look: Book Review Lists (Negative)

Robert David STEELE Vivas
THE OPEN SOURCE EVERYTHING MANIFESTO: Transparency, Truth & Trust
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5.0 out of 5 stars Postmodern Imperialism, May 12, 2014
This review is from: Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games (Paperback)
Eric Walberg's book is easy to follow, it's written for the lay reader
while at the same time dealing with a complex subject. The book explores
what the powers that be have been up to. He traces the stages of the rise
of imperialism through 3 stages, termed Great Game 1, 2 and 3.

A good book if you want to understand the world today, as well as what led to the dire
situation we are in.
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8 of 24 people found the following review helpful
1.0 out of 5 stars Communism opposed Imperialism?, March 26, 2012
This review is from: Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games (Paperback)
This book posits that since the term "Great Game" (shorthand for the competition between Russia and Great Britain in the mid-to-late 19th Century) appeared, two forces have successively opposed "Imperialism". The first force that it says opposed imperialism was "communism".

Let's examine that idea for a minute. The idea that Communism opposed Imperialism would be news in the 1920s to (among others) Ukrainians, Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians, Kyrgyz, Kazakhs, and all the peoples of the Caucasus region. And wasn't there also that Soviet invasion of Poland in the 1920s? Then there's that rather awkward deal that the USSR made with the Nazis until they're double crossed, that included the killing in cold blood of the cream of Polish intellectual life and their aristocracy (luckily, at Katyn the NKVD made films of how to liquidate class enemies on a large scale which they later used to train the North Koreans: you've got to capture "best practice" somehow if it is to spread). Then, of course, the USSR kept numerous countries in Eastern Europe in their Imperium by force (think Hungary in 1956; the Czechs in '68), etc. Meanwhile, anti-Imperialist Communists in China invaded Tibet in 1950s, and helped the hellish experiment that is North Korea "succeed", before funding violent guerrilla movements along the periphery of China.

In short, if words have meaning to you, you will find this book is utter rubbish - the worst sort of "black is white" pseudo-intellectual posturing.
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7 of 25 people found the following review helpful
1.0 out of 5 stars Don't Bother With This Nonsense, February 21, 2012
This review is from: Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games (Paperback)
This book is such a biased, unbalanced screed that it's gratifying to see that there hasn't been any market for it. To Eric Walberg, the Soviet Union always had its hand out, extended in friendship and compassion, only to be rejected by a domineering, aggressive United States bent on world domination. Walberg's communism is a benevolent, peaceful, constructive, fair-minded approach that was determined to right the world of the wrongs committed by Western encroachments on the sensitivities of peace-loving peoples everywhere, and though he has a line or two about the travesties of Stalin's gulags and collective farming, no real mention is made of the pogroms, social upheaval, paranoia and empire building that accompanied Soviet expansionism from 1917 until its systemic failure seven decades later.

This defense of the indefensible is what one would expect from a structural Marxist who obviously still pines for the good old days of war communism, collectivized farming, democratic centralism and infallible social engineering, all of which took place before the rest of the world finally saw what an utterly bankrupt ideology communism was. Perhaps it is his lingering frustration over the long overdue collapse of that decrepit house of cards that accounts for why he's now been relegated to the journalistic backwater of Cairo, where he writes for what used to be the Arab world's best, but is now a second-rate state, newspaper these days.

There were a multitude of reasons communism failed, and hundreds of millions of people living simply miserable lives under its sway clearly saw the same thing by 1989, so one has to wonder why it took so long for them to challenge the repression, secret police, arbitrary arrests, bloody purges, torture, technological ineptitude, media censorship, military insecurity, one-party politics, elitism, statism and gross inefficiencies of planned economies. Staying on message, Walberg has a great line in the preface about communism providing security for the individual in a 'less competitive, more egalitarian' society (p. 15). And that's the beauty of totalitarianism, is it not? Security and equality, tailor-made for the unfettered expression of individual liberties and free will, and if you don't believe it, we'll imprison you or stand you up against a wall and permanently blacklist your family as politically unreliable unless there's a change in that bad attitude.

And then there is the highly objectionable anti-Semitic theme that permeates the entire book, replete with dark preambles about (not Jewish, mind you, but) Zionist conspiracies to undermine the good order of Arab societies and the part Israel played in the September 11th outrages. To be sure, Walberg doesn't come right out and say it, but you can follow his line of thought easily in accusing Mossad of being the Prime Mover behind the bombings, simply because Israel wanted the US to get into a war in the Middle East. The fact that 18 of the 19 conspirators were disaffected Saudis well-known to their government for anti-monarchist behavior and that subsequent revelations from captured al-Qaeda members verified one another's accounts of Osama bin Laden's role in the affair did not seem to matter to Walberg.

I could go on, but why bother? It's too bad there isn't a selection for zero stars, because that would be well-earned in this case, so my suggestion is not to waste your time reading this drivel unless you want a good laugh about the glories of communism and its fellow travelers. The $18 I spent on this book would have been put to a good deal more constructive use if I'd just given it to the Flat Earth Society.
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Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games
Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games by Eric Walberg (Paperback - June 15, 2011)
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