This is the first single volume to focus on the presidencies of both James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur. Drawing from a host of studies on the foreign and domestic policies of the nation during the Gilded Age, as well as from his own primary research, the author presents a somewhat revisionist look at Garfield and Arthur--revisionist in that he gives the reader a renewed appreciation of both men. Far from being cynical spoilsmen or naive incompetents, individuals whose presidencies provide studies in ineptitude, Garfield and Arthur emerge as men of considerable ability. While making no claims of greatness, Doenecke maintains that each was a significant transitional figure, playing a crucial role as the institution of the presidency moved from the weak leadership of Andrew Johnson to the forceful direction of Theodore Roosevelt.
According to Doenecke, Garfield saw the office of chief executive primarily in administrative terms, and his great battle was over keeping the power of appointment in his own hands. His victory over the Stalwarts enhanced both the power and prestige of the office. His knowledge of how government worked was unmatched; long before Woodrow Wilson made his mark, Garfield was "the scholar in politics." The diplomacy of Secretary of State James G. Blaine comes under critical scrutiny. Doenecke evaluates his performance in the Chile-Peru War (War of the Pacific), the Guatemala-Mexico dispute, the isthmian-canal issue, Irish-American activities in Britain, and efforts to secure markets in Korea.
Garfield was assassinated less than six months after he entered office; he had yet to be tested on major issues of public policy. Chester A. Arthur was ill prepared to be chief executive, was in poor health much of the time while he was in office, and was faced with a hopelessly divided party. Nevertheless, he was one of the nation's great political surprises. His administration pioneered in the development of the navy, sought foreign markets for American surpluses, fostered civil-service reform, and pressed for a scientific tariff. Doenecke devotes one chapter to the spoils system and the background to the Pendleton Act, one to Arthur's strategy regarding the South, and then offers an in-depth analysis of diplomacy during Arthur's tenure.
During the presidencies of Garfield and Arthur, the United States attempted to intervene in a war between Chile and Peru, sought to turn Nicaragua into a protectorate, supplied leading advisers to Madagascar and Korea, and took a major part in the Congo conference of 1884. In examining these activities, even while pointing to uncoordinated statecraft and inept diplomacy, Doenecke challenges the long-held view that, from 1881 to 1885, the nation was withdrawn and insular. His fresh perspective on the Garfield and Arthur years will be of considerable interest to historians of the Gilded Age.
This book is part of the American Presidency Series
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Editorial Reviews
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"Doenecke deserves special commendation for skillfully but concisely illuminating the... environment in which these presidents operated." -- Wisconsin Magazine of History
"Expertly summarizes the excellent studies of late nineteenth-century politics and diplomacy published in recent years. -- American Historical Review
"Expertly summarizes the excellent studies of late nineteenth-century politics and diplomacy published in recent years. -- American Historical Review
From the Back Cover
"Doenecke hammers down the lid on the coffin of the once-popular thesis that economic expansionism shaped foreign policy during these years. Historians of foreign affairs will find the book essential reading."--Paul S. Holbo, editor of Isolationism and Interventionism, 1932-1941
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9 of 9 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
Much about foreign affairs, little about domestic events,
By Charles Ashbacher (Marion, Iowa United States) - See all my reviews (TOP 500 REVIEWER) (VINE VOICE) (HALL OF FAME REVIEWER)
This review is from: The Presidencies of James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur (American Presidency Series) (Hardcover)
Since he was assassinated very early in his term, it is inappropriate to analyze the Garfield presidency. It would be reduced to statements of his intentions when he took office and speculations regarding how he would have handled events. Although Doenecke spends some time in examining Garfield's personal philosophy, to his credit, it is minimal. He concentrates on one of the greatest problems facing presidents at that time, the federal patronage, which was one of the few things that Garfield managed to do before he was gunned down.
In the era before civil service reform, the change of administration meant that many federal jobs needed to be filled. At the time, they were considered political spoils, to be awarded to individuals who had served the new president in the past or who were expected to serve him in the future. While all presidents used it as a rewards system, they also were frustrated in the number of applicants, and the time it took to deal with them. Therefore, the sections on what Garfield did as president largely deal with his handling of the patronage issues. While Chester A. Arthur was a compromise candidate for vice president and automatically suspect as presidential material, his presidency suffered from yet another serious problem. Unlike the earlier presidents who died in office, Garfield lingered for some time after he was shot. Eighty days elapsed between the time Garfield was wounded and his death. Furthermore, at times it appeared that he would recover. Therefore, there was over two months of leadership limbo, plenty of time for the government to drift. During this time, Arthur's hands were tied, as there was no precedent concerning an incapacitated president. There are two things about this book that are striking, although they are related. The first is how little coverage there is of domestic affairs, especially in the area of legislation. The years of the Arthur presidency were a time of little major legislative action, the only significant accomplishment were the initial steps of civil service reform. There is mention of the general economic conditions and the continued expansion of the industrial revolution, but nothing with significant depth. The second point is the amount of coverage of U. S. involvement in world affairs. With a military that could have been easily defeated by that of nearly all European nations, there could be no muscle flexing. However, the growth of international commerce, the European imperial quest for colonies and the fact that the U. S. now covered both coasts meant that U. S. merchants now traveled the world in search of commercial and economic ties. For reasons that I don't understand, the 1890's are generally considered to be the point where the United States shed the isolationist mindset and began to take an interest in the rest of the world. Doenecke does an excellent job in describing how involved the U. S. was becoming a decade earlier. There is coverage of U. S. involvement in events in Korea, Hawaii, Madagascar, the Congo, South America and Central America. We see the beginnings of a country that is starting to understand that it can no longer restrict itself to what takes place in North America north of the Rio Grande River. There is also extensive coverage of how incredibly weak the U. S. navy was in the years immediately after the Civil war. In order to blockade the south and starve it of resources, the Union built up what was then the most powerful navy in the world. However, after the war was over, it was so weak that even one of the medium size capital ships of the British navy was more powerful than all U. S. ships combined. Although it started slowly and there was a lot of partisan wrangling, one can see the initial glimmerings of a great power on the ascent. While I commend Doenecke for his extensive coverage of U. S. involvement in the world, I believe that he should have spent more time in examining the events inside the U. S. I readily concede that President Arthur did little in the way of legislation, however there were many other things happening in the country during his administration. Presidents affect those events, even if only by their inaction, so I would have preferred more detailed explanations of some of those changes.
0 of 1 people found the following review helpful:
3.0 out of 5 stars
Not up to the standards of this series of presidential books,
By
This review is from: The Presidencies of James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur (American Presidency Series) (Hardcover)
I'm not sure if it was the author or the two presidents lives, but this book was simply not as good as the other presidental books in this series. In all fairness to the author, these were not that interesting of presidents and according to the book, there weren't any tremendous U.S. events that occurred either. So in summary, it's a very brief account of two unremarkable presidents. A decent summary but seems to leave too many facts unknown.
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awkward years, first annual message, third annual message, isthmian canal Key Phrases - Capitalized Phrases (CAPs): (learn more)
United States, New York, White House, President Arthur, State Department, Supreme Court, Treasury Department, Latin America, Gilded Age, South Carolina, Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, New Jersey, New South, North Carolina, Open Door, Central American, New Orleans, Senator John, Whitelaw Reid, Civil Service Commission, San Francisco, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Chicago Tribune, Civil Rights Act, Fourteenth Amendment New!
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Front Cover | Table of Contents | First Pages | Index | Back Cover | Surprise Me!
awkward years, first annual message, third annual message, isthmian canal Key Phrases - Capitalized Phrases (CAPs): (learn more)
United States, New York, White House, President Arthur, State Department, Supreme Court, Treasury Department, Latin America, Gilded Age, South Carolina, Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, New Jersey, New South, North Carolina, Open Door, Central American, New Orleans, Senator John, Whitelaw Reid, Civil Service Commission, San Francisco, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Chicago Tribune, Civil Rights Act, Fourteenth Amendment New!
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Front Cover | Table of Contents | First Pages | Index | Back Cover | Surprise Me!
Citations (learn more)
This book cites 93
books:
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10
books
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- The Awkward Years : American Foreign Relations Under Garfield and Arthur by David M. Pletcher on 9 pages
- New Empire: Interpretation of American Expansion, 1860-98 by Walter LaFeber on 6 pages
- Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics (Dover Books on History, Political and Social Science) by Woodrow Wilson in Back Matter (1), Back Matter (2), and Back Matter (3)
- The Common Law by Wendell Oliver Holmes on page 3, Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)
- American Commonwealth, The by James Bryce in Back Matter (1), Back Matter (2), and Back Matter (3)
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Presidents from Hayes through McKinley, 1877-1901: Debating the Issues in Pro and Con Primary Documents (The President's Position: Debating the Issues)
by p>Amy
H.
Sturgis
on page 61, page 74, and Back Matter - America's Royalty: All the Presidents' Children, Revised and Expanded by Sanford Kanter on page 126, and page 130
- The Power of the American Presidency: 1789-2000 by Michael A. Genovese in Back Matter
- From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America's World Role by Fareed Zakaria on page 77
- Presidents and the People: The Partisan Story of Going Public (Joseph V. Hughes Jr. and Holly O. Hughes Series on the Presidency and Leadership) by Dr. Melvin C. Laracey Ph.D. in Back Matter
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