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Reagan's War: The Epic Story of his Forty Year Struggle and Final Triumph Over Communism

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It's a pretty unusual book that sports praise from Margaret Thatcher, Lech Walesa and Caspar Weinberger on its dust jacket, but then Ronald Reagan was a pretty unusual man.

_Reagan's War_ isn't a biography. It starts with the adult Reagan already married to Jane Wyman and in Hollywood, beginning his "forty-year struggle" against communism, and it ends with the end of Reagan's Presidency. In between Schweizer recounts the tale of how Ronald Reagan -- often alone and against public opinion and advice -- won the Cold War.

_Reagan's War_ is an important reminder of many truths about the Cold War: that Soviet communism was aggressively imperialist, determined to rule the world; that the Soviets crushed their own citizens and mangled their own economy; that the Soviets were aided and abetted by many agents and useful idiots in the West; that a generation of American politicians allowed the Soviets to expand and dominate by constantly giving ground and putting faith in the mirage of detente; and that Reagan beat the Soviets, precisely by being a warmongering cowboy who would not accept compromise or defeat. Reagan challenged the Soviets on all fronts, supporting the Solidarity movement in Poland, broadcasting Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America into Soviet territory, arming and training insurgents fighting Soviet occupation, and most especially, by committing to an arms race that he knew the lumbering Soviet economy could not win.

_Reagan's War_ is well-written, often entertaining and sometimes quite moving. In addition to being important history, the tale of Reagan's war against communism is a great moral example of the difference that an individual can make and a powerful illustration of the force of freedom.

REAGAN'S WAR begins with a terse retelling of the "Battle of Hollywood," a violent 1946 strike by a Communist-controlled labor union against the Warner Brothers studio. The strike fizzled, as did the Communist attempt to take over a studio. From the perspective of the Kremlin, it must have seemed like a small defeat at the time. But the unintended consequence of that strike was that an actor on the Warner lot, Ronald Reagan, began to realize that Communism posed a serious threat to American liberty.

REAGAN'S WAR tells the story of how Reagan developed his commitment to rolling back Communism and how his policies resulted in a fatal blow to the evil Soviet empire.

REAGAN'S WAR is not a biography, but a reexamination of Reagan's life through the narrowing prism of anti-Communism. Loyal Reaganites will find little emphasis on Reagan's tax-cutting fervor, or the resulting economic expansion. Critics of the Reagan Administration may be disappointed that Iran-Contra is mentioned only briefly (and Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North only once). But the readers who will be the most dissatisfied --- if they read the book at all --- will be the former Communist elite in the former Soviet Union.

For them, REAGAN'S WAR will bring back only painful memories of tyranny past.

The part of the book that will most educate readers deals with Reagan's formative experiences in anti-Communism, placing his evolving worldview in counterpoint with the aggressive tactics of the Kremlin. While Communist satellite governments were consolidating their hold on Eastern Europe, Reagan recorded fundraising appeals for what would become Radio Free Europe and helped build Democratic support for Dwight Eisenhower. While Communism was toppling dominoes in Southeast Asia, Governor Reagan was confronting student protesters at Berkeley. While Nixon and Kissinger were laying the groundwork for detente, Reagan was advocating a more confrontational strategy, and preparing for a run at the Presidency.

REAGAN'S WAR provides an in-depth analysis of Reagan's economic and political maneuvers that led to the downfall of the Soviet Union. Author Peter Schweizer describes how Reagan coupled his legendary ability to communicate with his principled leadership and his unwavering faith, and shows how these characteristics were essential in his efforts to roll back Communism. Although his critics constantly accused Reagan of being a warmonger, Schweizer shows that his greatest victories were not in the battlefield but at the conference table. The last chapter of the book summarizes the efforts to cause the economic collapse of the Soviet Empire, showing billions of dollars lost by the Soviet economy due to military spending, Western economic sanctions, and aid to Cuba and Eastern Europe.

Schweizer's conclusions are buttressed significantly by his research in newly opened secret archives. We learn, unsurprisingly, that the peace movement in West Germany was supported and controlled by the East German secret police. We hear the complaints of Soviet leadership that the Reagan Administration would not shift its policies for political advantage, and worries that Reagan's spread of "anti-Soviet ideas" would prove decisive. There is even a too-brief mention of a North Korean threat to assassinate Reagan during a visit to South Korea. Schweizer also adds the Soviet perspective of summit meetings in Geneva and Reykjavik, and details the effect of Reagan speeches on the Russian dissident community.

REAGAN'S WAR is a popular, rather than a scholarly treatment of its subject. There is less detail than some readers would like about particulars, such as Reagan's relationship with Mikhail Gorbachev, and the decision to pursue missile defense. The book's positive, aggressive defense of the Reagan record causes it to overlook some important issues. For example, the invasion of Grenada is presented without reference to the bombing of the Marine barracks in Beirut, which immediately preceded it. The recounting of the arming of the Afghan resistance fails to take
into account the unintended consequences of that decision, which are still ongoing as of this writing.

However, the purpose of REAGAN'S WAR is not to criticize, but to celebrate a great victory and the great leader who is responsible for that victory. It accomplishes that purpose brilliantly, compiling Reagan's efforts against Communism into a unified whole, and further burnishing the Reagan legacy in the process. It is a valuable and important book for students of the era or students of leadership.

--- Reviewed by Curtis Edmonds (curtis@txreviews.com) writes movie reviews at http://www.txreviews.com/

I never was interested in the man when I was growing up. But a lot of things that I remember usually revolved around criticisms and putdowns of a lot of things he did. I read this book hoping to find out more about the man, since so many titles have been coming out. I wasn't disappointed. Here was an individual who had prepared all his life to fight against tyranny and oppression. It was really amazing to me how smart and insightful Reagan was considering all the bashing he gets. I don't think anyone can disagree with his determination and will to bring the Soviet Union down. I really appreciated the references in the back since it made the book even more credible.

The above is one of Reagan's best quotes. Before a planned speech , Reagan had once joked, "Ladies and gentlemen, the Soviet Union has been declared an outlaw nation. The bombing starts in five minutes."
Much of Reagan's outlook can be inferred from this quote.
This a book on Reagan's long struggle against Communism. It goes back to his Hollywood days, when he fought against the heavy handed and illegal activities of some Communist union members who were even on Soviet Union's payroll.
It would be a mistake to think that Reagan was simpleminded in his anti-Communism. He was a shrewd and subtle thinker. He gave encouragement to union memebers who were thinking of leaving Communism but were afraid of backlash.
Concerning Senator Jospeh McCarthy, while Reagan agreed with his goal--rooting secret Communist influence from government--AND THERE WERE SPIES--he disagreed with his tactics and felt that McCarthy's tactics was hurting the cause of anti-Communism.
An interesting comparison is made between Nixon and Reagan. Nixon had made a career of being anti-Communist. He was one of the top anti-Communist politicians in the 50s and 60s. But when Nixon was President, he pursued a policy of detente with the Soviets and made an overture to Communist China. How did Reagan feel about this? Reagan disagreed with Nixon's policy of detente. Reagan was proved correct in this, for during the detente period from Nixon to Carter, the Soviet Union proceeded with an expansionist policy and countries in developing world fell to Communism. As to the overture to China, I learned that Reagan agreed with this. Reagan is quoted, "Russia is still enemy number one...so the president, knowing the disaffection between China and Russia, visits China, butters up the warlords, and lets them be...Russia, therefore, has to keep its 140 divisions on the Chinese border...we buy a little time and elbowroom in a plain, simple strategic move..." (page 67)
Nixon is not generaly remembered as having a sense of humor. Reagan however, was the "happy warrior" as the quote at the top of the review shows.
Many times Reagan stood alone, even from his usual allies. He proceed with an arms buildup, which even allies in the Republican Party disagreed with. But the arms build up was only one part of a general orchestrated plan to change the Soviet Union. Other things that he did was to give material support to freedom fighters such as in Afghanistan; imposed sanctions after the delaration of martial law in Poland; engaged in the propangada war by radio broadcasts and leaflets; and got Saudi Arabia to glut the oil market, dramatically reducing the price of oil, which hurt the Soviet Union, for it derived hard currency from the sale of oil; proposed a new technology, SDI, to defend against Soviet missles and thus forced the Soviet Union to compete in technology.
This orchestrated campaign put a great strain on the Soviet economy, which spent a great amount of its GNP on armaments. So
Mikhail Gorbachev was made General Secretary in order to reform the system.
I was an adolescent and young adult during the Gorbachev period. My impression of Gorbachev was that he was basically trying to "square the circle", that is, to do something that cannot be done--mix freedom with Communism. Gorbachev reforms led to one thing to another which eventually led to the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe and Russia. Unfortunately, Communism still exists in some areas, like in North Korea and the American university.
There are some things I wish the author would have gone into more detail one--Reagan's relationships with other anti-Communist forces. Pope John Paul II played a role in the collapse of Communism, with his support of the Solidarity movement in his home country of Poland. John Paul II obtained information from priests and the Solidarity movement, and shared it with Reagan. I would have liked to see even more detail on this--WHAT exactly was shared? HOW did they get this information? How was this information used? Telling this story could have been just as good as any John LaCarre spy thriller.
One of the major lessons to be learned from this book is that there ARE causes worth fighting for--there are today, and there will be in the future--and one person who has courage, faith, a general strategy, and good spirits can make a difference.

Growing up in the Reagan Era, I already had an impression of him. Unfortunately I too sometimes viewed him as more fluff than substance. After reading Reagan's War I have a whole new respect for the man. His vision did indeed bring down the Berlin Wall and communism. He stared down the vaunted Soviets and beat them without causing a war. His toughness and sincerity come out in this book.

I recommend this to anyone who wants to see the real Ronald Reagan.

I'll get right to the point. I collect books on Ronald Reagan because he is a personal hero of mine. This book stands above them all. The author gets right to the point and jumps into the main premise of the book, how Reagan dedicated his life to fighting communism. What is neat about the book too is that it gives you a history of how each president since Harry Truman handled the Cold War. The book gives you insight into what helped shaped Reagan's opinions and strategy towards defeating communism. A great read, I couldn't put it down. A must buy for any Reagan fan.

Using recently declassified information from former Soviet client states Schweizer details Reagan's fight against Communism from the "other side" as well as Reagan's point of view.

New information includes the five attempts on Reagan's life by leftist organizations and the shocking (if not treasonous) action of former Presidet Jimmy Carter (and other Democrats) trying to enlist the aid of the Soviet Union against Reagan and his policies.

This book answers the question "was Reagan responsible for the downfall of the Soviet Union?" No can anyone doubt that the answer is a resounding "yes!" Without Reagan's tireless efforts to expose the weaknesses of the Soviet Union and face them squarely with the choice of surrender or defeat the former Soviet Union would still be around today.

Peter Schweizer follows up his great book _Victory_ with another hit. Schweizer goes into great detail to describe Reagan's decades-long battle against Communism and uses recently declassified archives from former Communist countries to paint a vivid picture.

We now understand why the left was so earnest in its objections to Reagan's policies towards Communism. If the Soviet Union ever fell the left would lose one of its greatest allies and the world would learn the truth about their treasonous alliance against Reagan and the right.

A timely release, and puts Carter's Nobel prize in yet another unflattering scene. Carter going hat-in-hand to the Soviets for help against Reagan is one of the worst acts of treason this country has evern witnessed, surpassed only by the original American traitor, Benedict Arnold.

A must read!

Consider this: LBJ sought to fight Vietnam in a calibrated way. In the words of LBJ's national security advisor, McGeorge Bundy: "We should strike to hurt but not to destroy...For the purpose of changing North Vietnamese decision on intervention in the South."

Nixon: "The only time in the history of the world that we have had any extended period of peace is when there has been a balance of power." I think it will be a safer world and better world if we have a stronger, healthy, US, Europe, Soviet Union, China, Japan, each balancing the other, not playing one against the other, an even balance." A stronger Soviet Union is GOOD!

Carter diary: It's important that he [Brezhnev] understand the commitment I have to human rights first of all and that it is not an antagonistic attitude of mine toward the Soviet Union."

Compare the above with Reagan's view, in Reagan's own words; better yet, since many detractors of Reagan give no weight to either Reagan's deeds or words, let's utilize the words of some who could not be classified as Reagan partisans, and thus not beyond the reproach of the bias charge:

"The 1970s were the years of further growth of power and influence of the socialist commonwealth." "We were able to achieve the military-strategic parity with the West. This gave us an opportunity to deal with them on an equal basis. Our dynamic policy of détente led to substantial positive shifts in international relations.' That's then KGB Chairman Andropov when he spoke before a secret session of the Warsaw Pact Consultative Committee in Czechoslovakia.

Said KGB Deputy Chairman Georgy Tsinev to his operatives: "It would not be a mistake to say that the Reagan Administration practically began an economic war against us."

According to a USSR Central Committee report (from July 31, 1986), Reagan's policy was "to exhaust the USSR and its allies...wearing it down in conflicts in different regions of the world."

A Polish Ministry of Internal Affairs report has come to light, as well, stating that Reagan's "principal goal is the destruction of the socialist system in all its forms."

It was Reagan who pushed for the Strategic Defense Initiative (beginning in 1983); it was Reagan (against the advice of his cabinet) who was determined to strangle the Polish economy after the declaration of martial law there, to take, in Reagan's own words, perhaps "the last chance of a lifetime to go against this damned force." (Trade between the West and Poland was 7.5 billion dollars in 1980; by 1986 it dropped to 1 billion. Poland was borrowing 8 billion annually before 1980; by 1985 this was cut to $300,000 annually.)

National Security Directive 75 (NSC 75) was adopted in 1982, "To promote, within the narrow limits available to us, the process of change in the Soviet Union toward a more pluralistic political and economic system in which the power of the privileged elite is gradually reduced. The U.S. recognizes that Soviet aggressiveness has deep roots in the internal system, and that relations with the USSR should therefore take into account whether or not they help to strengthen the system and its capacity to engage in aggression."

Former Soviet Prime Minister N. Ryzhkov acknowledged that the Soviet economy began to slide in 1982.

Reagan's defense buildup continued (March 83: Reagan proposes ballistic missile defenses in his SDI speech; "The military share of Soviet GNP would rise from 22 to 27% during Reagan's first term..."), active resistance to Marxism continued (Oct 23 1983: Reagan removes Marxists in Grenada), and economic pressure continued to be applied to the USSR (Saudi Arabian coordination to lower oil prices---the Soviet Union's life support).

Gorbachev acceded to the Leninist throne not until 1985

Shortly after Reykjavik Gorbachev told his Politburo:
"They look at us in the West and wait for us to drown."

Reagan from his early days in Hollywood, and later as president of the Screens Actors Guild, stood against communists who sought to gain control of Hollywood unions. (Russian archives prove that such organizers were in the pay of Stalin.) He spoke out against the USSR and communism continuously thereafter up until and while in the oval office.

George Kennan, the father of the American policy of Soviet containment criticized Reagan for undermining détente. Damn détente, said Reagan in effect. "For more than decade the US had been on the retreat in the developing world. Allies had collapsed in Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America, and the Vietnam syndrome seemed to have paralyzed presidents into inaction. At the same time Moscow had advanced, picking up new allies around the world;" all under the guise of `détente.'

Said Reagan's defense secretary Caspar Weinberger: "If the movement from the Cold War to détente is progress we cannot afford much more progress." Lenin once said that capitalists would sell the rope from which they ultimately hang; the idea that cooperation would, to say the least, disproportionately aid the Soviets. Fortunately, Ronald Reagan, when presented with the choice, took the path less traveled and that has made all the difference. (08Oct) Cheers

Peter Schweizer has done it again! Reagan's War may possibly his best book to date. It tells the story of the courageous fight Ronald Reagan took on for over forty years and won againts the communist regime of the Soviet Union. This book gives readers to see a side of Reagan that they may never get to see. The book begins quite nicely showing Reagan in his early years as in actor in Hollywood fighting the newly formed Communist Party in Hollywood. The book can somewhat make you feel like you are Reagan placing you in his shoes in this almost foreign time period. Anyways, as the book progresses, as does Reagan. The book gives the reader a sense of Reagan's hate and ambision towards communism growing throught the book. Reagan's War is a very well research piece of literature. It contains secret documents and even Reagan's KGB file, which was previously unseen by the public eye. I strongly suggest anyone interested in Reagan or communism to read this book. Schweizer demonstrates his great knowelge of history in this book, which aides him in effectively telling this story.