America's democratic ideals have long been the hope of the world, but our allies increasingly see us as abandoning those ideals. It's not hard to understand why. In the months before 9/11, the United States walked away from a number of international treaties including the Kyoto Accord. After the attack, the United States turned a cold shoulder to NATO's offers to assist with the invasion of Afghanistan, unilaterally terminated the ABM treaty, and actively opposed the creation of an International Criminal Court. Then came the war on Iraq, begun despite the clear refusal of the United Nations Security Council to authorize an invasion.Obsessed with our own immediate military and economic security, we now deem institutions like NATO and the UN irrelevant. We have abandoned containment for a policy of preventive attacks on potential threats. More and more, we act alone, with little regard for the needs and goals of other nations.Rogue Nation is not an argument against American dominance or the exercise of American power. It's an argument against stupidity, arrogance, and ignorance in the exercise of power. Prestowitz explores the historical roots of the unilateral impulse and shows how it now influences every important area of American foreign policy. Even now, when the need for multilateral action has never been greater, we continue to act contrary to international law, custom, and our own best interests.
Rogue Nation
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Editorial Reviews
From Publishers Weekly
As the worldwide outpouring of post-9/11 sympathy for America has given way to worldwide anti-American protests, Americans are asking why the world hates us. This nuanced but unsparing book gives a bill of particulars. American high-handedness has exacerbated tensions in hot spots from the West Bank to the Korean peninsula. American unilateralism has sabotaged a host of international agreements on such issues as land mines, biological weapons and the International Criminal Court. America preaches free trade while protecting its steel, textiles and agriculture from foreign competition. America, Atkins argues, runs a wasteful, SUV-centered economy while it rejects treaties on the environment and global warming. America's self-proclaimed role as champion of democracy flies in the face of its history of installing and supporting dictators in countries from Indonesia to Iraq. Most of all, Atkins says, the world fears America's overwhelming military might, now ominously paired with a doctrine of "preempting" the emergence of rival powers. These problems have been much discussed of late, but Prestowitz, author of Trading Places, pulls them together into a comprehensive and historically informed survey of contemporary U. S. foreign relations. Although he forthrightly calls the United States an imperial power, Prestowitz, a former Reagan Administration trade official, is by no means anti-American. He insists that America's intentions are usually good, and that the world likes and admires Americans when they live up to their own ideals. Still, his is a damning portrait of the United States as seen through the angry, bewildered eyes of foreigners: selfish, erratic, hypocritical, muscle-bound and a bad citizen of the world.
Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Review
"Prestowitz has done us an enormous service by pointing out that the men and women who call themselves conservatives today are truly radicals who have alienated America's friends everywhere."
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40 of 40 people found the following review helpful
Format:Hardcover
Quite simply put, this is the best book I've read on the status of the world in general, of its various hot spots in particular, of America's current role in them, and of alternative roles that it should rather play.
Prestowitz is a conservative Republican, a former member of the Reagan administration, and an elder of the Presbyterian church--scarcely the type one would expect to call America a rogue nation. But as a conservative he has very critical things to say about the neo-conservatives that currently control our foreign policy, whose agenda he says "is not conservativism at all but radicalism, egotism, and adventurism articulated in the stirring rhetoric of traditional patriotism."
The book is a compelling answer to Kagan's popular "Of Paradise and Order," which tends to characterize America, through neo-conservative glasses, as the only agent that can save the world from itself, an agent that "by advancing [its] own interests ... advance[s] the interests of humanity."
Two very different views of America's role. Every thinking American should understand the difference between them.
92 of 101 people found the following review helpful
Format:Hardcover|Amazon Verified Purchase
"Rogue Nation" examines a host of issues on which the U.S. has found itself at odds with the world: free trade agreements, global warming, the Israel-Palestine conflict, the treaty to eliminate land mines, the creation of an International Criminal Court, the war on Iraq, and more. The book is valuable regardless of whether or not the reader agrees with Prestowitz's politics (he's a longtime conservative and a former Reagan administration official) or his opinions on environmental, economic, and foreign policy concerns. Indeed, it's often hard to pinpoint the author's place on the ideological spectrum. For example, many conservatives will disagree with his support of several international agreements discarded by the Bush administration. Both conservatives and liberals will be dissatisfied about his ambivalence on the need for the Kyoto Protocol on global warming. Many liberals will be turned off by his statement that, as of March 2003, "there is little choice for the United States and whatever partners it can gather to overthrow Saddam and occupy Iraq."
What troubles Prestowitz, however, is not America's international policies per se but the manner in which we pursue those policies--a manner that may not always meant to be arrogant but certainly seems to be to the rest of the world. What especially distresses him are certain unilateralist principles proposed and implemented by "neoconservatives" like Dick Cheney and Paul Wolfowitz.
In a way, it's too bad that Prestowitz chose such a deliberately provocative title, since the book itself, while undeniably opinionated, makes considerable effort to present both sides of every issue. Yet he correctly acknowledges that much of the international community regards the United States as a "rogue nation"--whether we are in fact or not. Likewise, the author contends that, although we are not technically an empire, we often behave like one--or, just as important, appear to others to have imperial pretensions. In a world where perception is reality, Prestowitz argues, it is foolish not to be concerned about international opinion, since we depend on other nations as much as they depend on us for both economic well-being and domestic security.
Above all, Prestowitz proposes that America's people and its leaders become better listeners--and Prestowitz himself is an astute listener. He has interviewed an impressive number of foreign diplomats, ambassadors, and government officials, and he faithfully presents their views even when he seems not to concur. What matters less to the author is how accurate international opinion is about American intentions or plans. Instead, he strives to understand how they arrive at contrary judgments: he provides historical context for various controversies and describes events, blunders, and misunderstandings that tend to support such mistrust.
He also contends that Americans often seem to treat other nations as inherently inferior or, even more insultingly, that we seem to feel that other cultures would be better off if they became just like us. As Prestowitz notes, "Nations are very much like individuals. More than desire for material gain or fear or love, they are driven by a craving for dignity and respect, by the need to be recognized as valid and just a valuable as the next person or country." Rather than forcibly imposing our lifestyle on reluctant populations, we would be far more productive in providing a model worthy of admiration, "a city on a hill"--especially since most of the world's peoples greatly admire Americans themselves while they regard our government's policies with increasing suspicion.
Prestowitz's treatise is enhanced by a riveting journalistic style, an impressive array of evidence, and a lucid synthesis of a variety of foreign policy issues. I don't always agree with his views or his conclusions. For example, while I support his argument that we should greatly lessen our military presence in the Persian Gulf, I don't buy his assertion that shrinking our dependence on Arab oil would cut off funding for terrorism. (Although a reduction in oil imports would offer many other benefits, the implication that boycott or impoverishment would reduce terrorism seems questionable.) Yet, even when one disagrees, the book is still informative and challenging, and I found his overarching thesis to be irrefutable: America cannot survive this century on its own, and we cannot continue to act as if we can.
71 of 77 people found the following review helpful
Format:Hardcover
In response to 9/11, Bernard Lewis bloviated in "What Went Wrong" (with respect to the Islamic world), that when things go wrong for you, you can either say: "who did this to me" and point the finger at someone else, or; you can ask "what did we do to ourselves and how do we fix it". There is a third question, however, that Lewis doesn't ask- "what have we done to them (that they feel the way they do)". Clyde Prestowitz does exactly that.
Many readers may think this book the rantings of a left-wing ideologue, but for the fact it comes from a conservative. Prestowitz was a US trade negotiator under the Reagan Administration and possesses conservative values on par with any Reaganite.
Rogue Nations examines the inconsistency between what America preaches versus America's conduct, implemented through our policies. His ability to understand arises from his experience as a negotiator; i.e., one, who by profession, must listen and understand the other side in order obtain what he wants for America. This skill in listening serves him well because he presents to the readership the admiration and disappointments of others with America's behaviour.
Prestowitz begins with a very interesting point about America itself. He believes America is a religion. The American idea, articulated so well in the Bill of Rights, inheres in every citizen an idealism and vision that every person in the world can grab onto and believe regardless of race, religion, and gender. More importantly, is the belief that if "America" is good for us, then it must be good for everyone else and should be exported. Prestowitz discovers through conversations with Prime Ministers, Ambassadors, trade negotiators and business people around the world is that while the rest of the world truly admires American the idea (and Americans), it simultaneously resents us. The problem, as perceived by world citizens, is that what America wants for itself, many times, it will not afford to others. America possesses a certain religiosity about its ideals conferring a sense of entitlement and exceptionalism in comparison to the rest of the world-and there is the rub. Americans think they deserve the richness, wealth and resources other nations possess (oil, for one) because we are exceptional. Our way is the best way, if not the only way. We believe we are a chosen people possessing a manifest destiny to shape the world in our image and that creates resentment around the world.
The book is basically organized by policies and reveals how these policies affect other countries to their detriment and to our benefit. Chapters include international financial policy (and explains how IMF policy led by US policy makers and financiers exacerbated the Asian financial crisis); arms, military manufacture and military consultancy and how we weaponize the world (often selling weapons to both sides of a conflict); American subsidies (and how it destroys third world economies because they lack the financial assets to subsidize their own industries); environmental policies and the Kyoto treaty (and how America brought the world on board regarding environmental cognizance only to then discard treaties of our own instigation to the consternation of Europe); foreign policy and interventionism (He nicely demonstrates where and how we intervened in the domestic policies of other countries by installing dictators or engineering coups to the detriment of locals); domestic policy and Washington lobbies, specifically how the pro-Israel and pro-Taiwan lobbies affect foreign policy, often to the detriment of America's long term interests.
America has spent the last two years acting, by Bernard Lewis's standard, pointing the finger at others and saying "who did this to us." Clyde Prestowitz boldly challenges this mindset by asking America to understand how its actions abroad affect other and to take responsibility for it; to have the wisdom and humility to see the folly of our current and past acts, and to possess the courage to make changes accordingly.
Prestowitz's solutions for bringing American prestige, honor, and good-will back from the brink are based on pragmatism and fairness (50 years of Kissingerian manipulation is a losing long term proposition). His recommendations overturn the hypocrisy of our policies in light of our preachings to the rest of the world. More importantly, he prescribes solutions not out of self-hatred for America (the favorite accusation from the Right about those on the left), but from the desire to see America live up to its true potential-to BE the shining city atop the hill.
Most Recent Customer Reviews
From a Republican no less
The author of this book served in the federal government during the Reagan administration in several capacities that involved him in the development and execution of US foreign... Read more
Published on September 24, 2008 by Newton Ooi
Why do they hate us?
essential reading for those who seek an answer for the above question.
Published on April 4, 2007 by Faruk Ekmekci
quite surprising
Coming from the conservative corner of the American Politics it was quite a surprise! The author starts in a way where I was not sure where he wants to take me, but from about the... Read more
Published on January 11, 2007 by Ian Deskrock
REAL, not neo, conservatism
I used to think I was a conservative, and then conservatism was taken over by Christian bigots, spoilt brats, and blood-thirsty lunatics. It was frankly embarrassing. Read more
Published on June 8, 2006 by Wyote
Balanced, extensive, well organized.
Describes how America's image abroad has lost its luster. Notable for range of issues covered, balance, and side by side portrayal of discrepancies between domestic and foreign... Read more
Published on February 26, 2006 by Grumpy Pants
World's Goliath to Be Distrusted, Disliked, and Feared?
Clyde Prestowitz is relentless in identifying and analyzing the strengths and weaknesses of the U.S. as the rest of the world perceives them. Read more
Published on February 6, 2006 by Serge J. Van Steenkiste
For Mr. Prestowitz and "Compassionate Conservative"
To begin with, we really don't need this kind of book, nor do we need those written by the Neo-Fats who wish to blame America for everything since Columbus sailed in 1492. Read more
Published on January 14, 2006 by Alan Rockman
Especially Credible Coming From a Conservative
September 11 brought a great amount of sympathy and support for the U.S. However, that asset has now been largely replaced by dislike, and in many areas - hatred. Read more
Published on December 25, 2005 by Loyd E. Eskildson
Restoring the American Image and the American Dream
"Rogue Nation" is a wholistic and incisive perspective of America as seen through the eyes of the Global Community. Read more
Published on July 3, 2005 by Elliott C. Maynard
Completely unconvincing
The author argues that we Americans have been throwing our weight around. And that we ought to embrace multilateralism and international law. Well, that sounds really good. Read more
Published on January 19, 2005 by Jill Malter
Inside This Book
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First Sentence:
The title of this book is purposely provocative. Read the first page Key Phrases - Statistically Improbable Phrases (SIPs): (learn more)
legacy costs, strategic competitor, sunshine policy Key Phrases - Capitalized Phrases (CAPs): (learn more)
United States, North Korea, World War, Middle East, Saudi Arabia, President Bush, Soviet Union, West Bank, Latin America, South Korea, Security Council, White House, New York, Wagging the Dog, Two Tales, Hong Kong, Persian Gulf, The Unacknowledged Empire, Wall Street, Camp David, European Union, Southeast Asia, Endless War, State Department, Great Britain New!
Books on Related Topics | Concordance | Text Stats Browse Sample Pages:
Front Cover | Table of Contents | First Pages | Index | Back Cover | Surprise Me!
The title of this book is purposely provocative. Read the first page Key Phrases - Statistically Improbable Phrases (SIPs): (learn more)
legacy costs, strategic competitor, sunshine policy Key Phrases - Capitalized Phrases (CAPs): (learn more)
United States, North Korea, World War, Middle East, Saudi Arabia, President Bush, Soviet Union, West Bank, Latin America, South Korea, Security Council, White House, New York, Wagging the Dog, Two Tales, Hong Kong, Persian Gulf, The Unacknowledged Empire, Wall Street, Camp David, European Union, Southeast Asia, Endless War, State Department, Great Britain New!
Books on Related Topics | Concordance | Text Stats Browse Sample Pages:
Front Cover | Table of Contents | First Pages | Index | Back Cover | Surprise Me!
Citations (learn more)
This book cites 86
books:
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43
books
cite this book:
See all 43 books citing this book
- Major Problems in American Foreign Relations, Volume II: Since 1914 (Major Problems in American History (Wadsworth)) by Dennis Merrill in Back Matter (1), Back Matter (2), and Back Matter (3)
- The Pursuit of Oblivion: A Global History of Narcotics by Richard Davenport-Hines in Back Matter (1), Back Matter (2), and Back Matter (3)
- Blowback, Second Edition: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire by Chalmers Johnson in Back Matter (1), Back Matter (2), and Back Matter (3)
- The Cold War (Cambridge Perspectives in History) by Mike Sewell on page 177, Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)
- Earth in the Balance: Ecology and the Human Spirit by Albert Gore on page 128, Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)
See all 86 books this book cites
- America the Almighty by Stephen L. Damours on page 165, page 187, and page 220
- One World Democracy: A Progressive Vision for Enforceable Global Law by Jerry Tetalman in Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)
- The Horrors We Bless: Rethinking the Just-war Legacy (Facets Series) by Daniel C. Maguire in Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)
- Toward A New Political Humanism by Barry F. Seidman on page 168, and Back Matter
- The New American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced by War by Andrew Bacevich in Front Matter
See all 43 books citing this book
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