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Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion: The Making of a President, 1884

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The last half of the 19th century is a period that the historians generally give short shrift to. They dutifully plow through it in the obligatory chapter in their rush to get from the Civil War to Teddy Roosevelt, Wilson, and the Progressive Era. The campaign of Grover Cleveland against James Blaine for the presidency in 1884 is just about forgotten. This is too bad because what with the emphasis on character and values (accompanied by some really gross mudslinging), the extensive changes in technology and business, the factionalism and divided government, it was a period much like ours. Summers does an excellent job of dispelling the prevailing view of this period as a doldrum bookended by Lincoln and TR. In a comprehensive yet not overly long book, he shows that substantive issues like the tariff, the relationship of the national government to the states, morality in politics, substance abuse (ie prohibition), and other pressing matters really were at stake, he explores those issues and the men and women who had to face them. This book is one of the best treatments of the 1884 presidential campaign (or any other campaign for that matter) out there. Find a copy of this book and read about a time that is so much like ours.

Mark Summers is one of the great historians of mid-nineteenth century America. He is fully capable of taking subjects which have seemingly been worked to death and making them fresh with new material and original analysis. Rum Romanism and Rebellion does just that, making Blaine and Cleveland seem more vital and alive than the current occupants of the White House. The issues engage us, the political battle grips us. This is one of the author's best (to my mind, Mr. Summers best work is his two volume work on political corruption [neatly divided between ante-bellum crooks and post-war thieves]; let's hope that Mr. Summers has a trilogy in mind and next turns his attention to wartime corruption: from the transcontinental railroad to the supply of Union soldiers and the appointment of generals, that era was rife with corruption, yet very little has ever been written about it). Well done, Mr. Summers!

Anyone interested in politics or American history should love this book. The writing style is crisp and entertaining and the author strikes the right balance between explaining long ago and long forgotten events without drowning the reader in unnecesary details. The 1884 election itself was one of the most interesting of our history with sex scandals, charges of political corruption, party splits, and campaign blunders. The author brings the excitement to life and lets the reader understand not only what happened but why it occured and, even more interesting, what the participants had hoped to accomplish with their political strategies. The book succeeds in describing how late 19th century elections looked and felt to the participants. The human dynamic skillfully set out in this book (the cynical maneuverings, the overheated rhetoric, and the intense partisanship)are very familiar with what we experience in campaigns today-this very familiarity helps make Blaine and Cleveland seem real and not just sterile historical figures. Read this book!

In RUM, ROMANISM, & REBELLION, historian Mark Summers chronicles the boisterous 1884 election, in which Democrat Grover Cleveland of New York defeated Republican James Blaine of Maine. This election is mostly remembered today (if at all) for a few colorful scandals - such as Cleveland's illegitimate son ("Ma, Ma, Where's my Pa?") and Blaine's political and financial improprieties.. In short, most narratives treat this election as a muckraking, scandal-mongering fest where personal issues trumped substance because the parties had little in the way of real issues to argue about.

By contrast, Summers shows how, rather than an election devoid of real issues, the 1884 election was in fact fought over some key ones. In his narrative, the personal scandals are subordinate to substantive differences between (and within) the two parties. Despite a few third-party challenges, the two-party system proved itself to still be strong, though in a state of flux. And just because most of the main issues of that era (such as the tariff, prohibition, civil service reform, or - gasp - the embarrassing budget SURPLUS) were very different from the ones we focus on today does not mean they were any less real, or less important, to Gilded Age voters.

This is very detailed, well-researched, and well-written political history. It covers much of the decade preceding 1884, in addition to the election year itself. Summers does a great job of showing the strange coalitions that composed the two parties, how party loyalty could be tested, but how, most of the time, it held firm when it came time to vote. We get a wonderful window on how very different (in some ways better, in others far worse) politics were in the Gilded Age compared to today. Anyone interested in the politics of this era of American history needs to check this book out. It's definitely one of the best books on Gilded Age politics I've read.

This is an extremely insightful examination of the election that first put Grover Cleveland in the White House. The ways in which Summers analyzes the political process remind me of Holt's masterpiece, "The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party". (That is a much more massive book, as it covers a broader topic over a longer period). The use of political cartoons of the period to support the narrative is probably the best I've seen. The style is engaging, although occasionally I think Summers gets slightly carried away. For example, at least one discussion of the standard myths about the period goes on long enough to be somewhat disruptive. Also, while I don't detect any factual bias, there is a tendency to look at things more a Republican perspective. That is, issues (e.g., the role of the minor parties) are more often discussed in terms of problems facing the GOP and how well they did or did not deal with them. The outcome of the election is reported in language that seems rather wistful that Blaine lost. Again, this is only a matter of relative emphasis - there is excellent material on the complex relations between the Democrats at the national and state levels and the rival Democratic machines in New York City. Despite my minor quibbles, I highly recommend this book to anyone with a general interest in American political history, and it certainly must be read by anyone with a particular interest in this period.

As an undergraduate at the University of Kentucky some years ago, Professor Mark Summers changed my life and I eventually devoted my life to the study of history. His lectures made the past come alive and seem so fresh and real and vital. Anyone who has read any of his books can relate to the sense of excitement that I am describing, and his latest book is no exception. In fact, it is perhaps his best book yet. Lively, fast-paced, yet scholarly and thought-provoking, Summers' book is everything that his readers have come to expect. I would highly recommend this book to anyone interested in nineteenth-century politics or U.S. history in general, or for those who consider history dry and boring and would like read a book where the past truly does come to life.