Customer Reviews

Sacred Causes: The Clash of Religion and Politics, from the Great War to the War on Terror

5 star:		(8)
4 star:		(5)
3 star:		(1)
2 star:		(1)
1 star:		(3)

 

 

This book is not as good as "Earthly Powers", volume I of a history of the interplay between religion and politics since the French Revolution. "Earthly Powers" takes us from that esteemed episode to World War I. "Sacred Causes" picks up in 1918 and into the not so distant future. As envisioned by Burleigh, in the future secular authorities in European cities will be able to keep order only by devolving authority to Muslin religious leaders who will police their own kind. That will be a fine paradox: irreligious democracy only subsisting through the cooperation of extremist theocratic religion.

In volume II Burleigh goes out of his way to be provocative. His purpose is to defend religion (mainly Catholicism and some versions of Protestantism) as a golden thread running through most of the last century, and to decry irreligion (or rather political religion) as the devil incarnate. His view of Nazism and Communism as two sides of the same coin (millenarist politics gone awry) is only offensive among former comrades. His principled defense of Pius XII is so learned and so elegant, and so contrary to current consensus, that it is sure to get him pilloried. His derision of hippy/New Age spirituality is thoroughly well deserved, but it won't help him with aging baby boomers. His withering view of the Irish is so extreme that it verges on slander. His criticism of multiculturalism as ethically bankrupt and politically useless is spot-on.

While I very much enjoyed the robust argumentation (and in fact agree with much of the diagnosis and prognosis), I don't think volume II is as good as volume I, because I think Burleigh stepped over the fine line that separates History from editorial opinion. The book could have done with less invectives and more grounded analysis. Coming after "The Third Reich" and "Earthly Powers", "Sacred Causes" is rather like "Godfather III", good but not great.

Again, like his earlier works on the Nazis and the fascist mind, this book features the brilliance of Burleigh , and his remarkably broad sweep of knowledge and historical insight.

He effortlessly manages to draw together hugely diverse threads of human experience, ranging from a discussion of Dadaism, Bauhaus, the roots of early 20th Century "new age" cults in Germany, right up to observations on the Moroccan who murdered Theo Van Gogh.

The only let down with this book is ( in my view ) Burleigh's analysis of Islam as it clashes with modernity -- it's not that I don't agree with his conclusions ( I do agree with him ), but simply that whilst his analysis of fascism and early 20th Century European culture is consistently original and penetrating in its insights -- much of his critique of Islam reads a little like a Daily Mail/Daily Telegraph comment column, and is remarkably pedestrian and rather ordinary in comparison. Also, I have to say, many of his comments on Ireland and the Irish people seem far too sweeping, far too subjective for a man of Burleigh's usual insight and historical training, and are difficult to take seriously.

Besides these points then, this is still a commendable book in places. There are very few historians writing in the "popular" arena that have so much depth, wisdom, insight to offer, and such narrative mastery as Burleigh.

Burleigh argues, in this rich, meaty book, that the 20th century was all about the clash between religion and the state.

The 20th century opened with a set of swaggering new philosophies that were going to create a heaven on earth. Nietzche, before he descended into gibbering madness, declared that "God was dead". He expected a New Man, freed of the old, niggling 10 commandments, to lead humanity to a bright new future. What the world got was Hitler and death camps.

Then there was fascism, led by Mussolini, whose first book was, "God Does Not Exist".

And then there was communism, most potent of all, which slaughtered some 100 million people while trying to create heaven on earth. The late Pope John Paul, who lived under both the Nazis and the communists, called the 20th century "a pile of bodies".

In this sweeping, beautifully written book, Burleigh performs like a magician, always pulling out just the right, telling anecdote.

In the early part of the century, violence against the clergy peaked. In Spain during the civil war, "nearly 7,000 clerics were murdered" (p 132"), while atrocity was piled on atrocity. In Mexico priests were hunted and shot and convents closed.

Yet the most bloodthirsty of all would be communism. The communists used everything they could to fight against religion--threats, persecutions, show trials, mass starvation, and the near total destruction of all religious clergy. "By 1938 eighty bishops had lost their lives, while thousands of clerics were sent to the Solovetsky labour camp set up in a former monastery on an island in the White Sea" (p 47.

What bitter irony, then, that many now believe that it was religion that pulled down the whole grotesque regime. "Although they were subjected to relentless assault from state-sponsored atheism, the Christian Churches remained the only licensed sanctuaries from the prevailing world of brutality and lies" (p 344). Solidarity, Pope John Paul, and Poland brought down communism.

Yet we may well face an even more troubling era. Europe is beset with problems of a very different nature. As its native populations dwindle to nothing a flood of Muslim immigrants is taking over Amsterdam, Paris and London. What was once a vital continent filled with a vibrant Christianity is now dying. Authors such as Dawkins assault the very idea of religion while immigrants swarm into the country. Statistics show a vast numbers of these new Europeans want, not to do away with religion as Dawkins suggests, but to impose Sharia law.

In this sweeping and comprehensive work, Michael Burleigh examines the role played by religion in politics and politics in religion from the end of the First World War until the Islamic terrorist onslaught taking place today against the free world.
It is written from a strongly Catholic perspective, and Burleigh puts forward a robust defense of the Roman Catholic church against charges that it did nothing to try to prevent the Holocaust.
One of Burleigh's most important contributions in this book is his outline of the sterling role played by the Christian Democratic Parties in Western Europe, in both helping their countries to overcome the evil legacy of Nazism, and preventing the spread to their countries of the equally evil Communist tyranny.
As a traditional Jew, I can say that my communitarian pro-traditionalist and pro-national self-determination outlook (and my belief in a socially responsible market economy as opposed to laissez faire libertarianism), is very similar to an equivalent of the Christian Democrat philosophy, and I believe to prevent a victory by the dark forces of Satanic Islamo-Nazism, a variant of this philosophy needs to be re-established.

Beginning with the rise of Nazism and Fascism in Germany and Italy,the author explains how the knee jerk reaction of the Left to label everyone to the right of them as a "Fascist" blinded them to the genuine phenomenon, and how Leftist parties refused to co-operate with the moderate and Christian forces to stop Nazism and Fascism, thus bearing some responsibility for the the rise of these regimes.
Already by the 1920s predictions abounded of apocalypse and the end of days. A move to the right took place as a reaction tot he horrors of Bolshevism and the 1919 orgy of violence by Bela Kun in post-war Soviet Budapest.
Burleigh quotes the penetrating observation, by Russian religious philosopher Semyon Frank, about the Communist infatuation with the idea:
"Sacrificing himself for the sake of this idea, he does not hesitate to sacrifice other people for it. Among his contemporaries he sees either the victim of the world's evil he dreams of eradicating or the perpetrators of that evil...This feeling of hatred for the enemies of the people from the concrete and active psychological foundation of his life. Thus the great love of mankind of the future gives birth to a great hatred for people; the passion for organizing an earthly paradise becomes the passion for destruction".

Interestingly in outlining the bloody mass politicide and deliberate creation of famine as as a political weapon by the Bolshevik, the author notes that the Bolsheviks raided and destroyed churches and synagogues but not mosques.
Was this because Islam is not part of the Judeo-Christian tradition and ethic.
Perhaps this could go some way to explaining the hatred of the extreme left for Christianity and Judaism, but their mania to defend and side with Islamic extremists, and never to condemn, even in passing, Islamic excesses.
The author compares the modus operandi of the Soviet Communist Party and Cheka/NKVD during the Stalinist purges with the Spanish Inquisition, the differences and similarities.
While he does not approve of praise Franco's administration in Spain, he puts this in some context, describing the massive outrages and massacres against the Catholic clergy and believers in Spain prior to Franco by the leftist Republican forces.
He also points out that in the case of Dolfuss in Austria, this was a brave man who courageously opposed both evil systems of Communism and Nazism.
Dolfuss chose a benevolent form of authoritarianism in order to combat the totally ruthless and genocidal totalitarianism. before being murdered by the Nazis.
Interestingly in the 1938 plebiscite the Austrian Social Democrats supported Aunscluss while the Christian Socialists and most of the Catholic Church opposed it.
I completely agree with Burleigh's analysis of the Salazar government in Portugal. Salazar was anti-Communist, anti-Fascist and anti-Nazi.
He saw little difference between Communists, Fascists and Nazis, all of whom were wedded to the totalitarian ideal "to whose ends all the activities of citizens are subject and men exist only for it's greatness and glory'.
The Salazar administration disassociated itself from Nazi anti-Semitism, welcoming Jewish refugees fleeing their oppressors.
The author does not not hide the participation of elements of the Catholic Church in the atrocities against Jews and other minorities in the Nazi puppet regimes,during World War II of Slovakia and Croatia, but also highlight the activities of the the Vatican and many Catholic clergy to save Jews and prevent further atrocities, such as the sterling role of Father Caselli in opposing Nazi genocide.
According to the author the Catholic Clergy were far more prominent and active in resisting Nazism in Germany and Italy than were their Protestant counterparts, and a large part of the book is a spirited defense of Pope Pius XVI, who the author puts forward as doing all he could to prevent the genocide of Jews.
The author strongly states that there is not a shred of evidence to refer to POpe Pius XVI as "Hitler's Pope", pointing out that this is a title more befitting Hitler's Mufti, the anti-semitic Haj Amin al-Husseini, if one seeks seeks a spiritual leader who endorsed Hitler's racial views.

The author outlines the role of clergy, priests and nuns in hiding and rescuing Jewish children from the Nazi killing machine, and the role of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church in influencing the King of Bulgaria to save that country's Jews during World War II.
This is contrasted to the horrors perpetrated by Romania's Fascist regime during World War II, often with the support of the Romanian Orthodox Church.

The author details the role of the Communist dictatorships in violently suppressions religion in all the countries they held under their yplk in Eastern Europe.

Moving forward to more recent times I congratulate the author for pointing out the obscenity of German terrorists waving guns over the heads of Israel Jewish hostages when Baader Meinhof gangsters helped Arab terrorists take the Jewish hostages that were rescued at Entebbe in 1976.

Moving to Northern Ireland, the author's Catholicism does not at all make him sympathetic to the terrorist IRA.
He points out that the father of Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams father lit bonfires lit bonfires on the Black Mountain to guide Luftwaffe bombers towards Belfast, where they killed over a thousand people in devastating air raids that wiped out 50% of the housing stock. Sinn Fein also annually celebrates around a statue of Sean Russel, an IRA terrorist whose organization declared war on the British in January, 1939, putting the Nationalist community under the protection of Nazi Germany, to where he was sent to train as a spy.
Sinn Fein and the IRA is a long standing supporter of Basque and Palestinian terrorists.
he media, in it's decades long love affair with the IRA, has highlighted IRA casualties( such as the 'martyrdom' of IRA terrorist Bobby Sands) and events such as "Bloody Sunday", we are reminded less of IRA atrocities such as the "The Claudy Day Massacre" of 31st July 1972, in which nine innocents dies including nine year old Kathryn Eakin.

The last chapter deals with the rise of Islamic terrorism, with the author tracing the roots of the Al Qaeda terrorist network. The arch terrorist Abu Musab Al-Zaqarwi formed his organizational network in Iran, whose evil regime is perpetrating terror in Iraq in order to deflect any attack on their illicit quest for nuclear capability.
The author exhorts Europe to gain some backbone in the face of the Islamic onslaught praising leaders like President Bush, and Spain's courageous former Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar, who was repacked by the appeaser of Islamic terror and tyranny, the Socialist José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. Governments that have taken a stand against terror in Europe have often been victims of the mania in Europe to appease Islamo-Nazism together with a sick anti-Americanism and anti-Zionism.
While much has been made of the minor successes of the far-right parties in Europe as a direct result of the Islamicization of the continent, less has been said about politicians who have gained success by courting Islamic extremism, and anti-Israel hate such as the demagogue George Galloway in Britain.
He condemns those who howl about the rights of terrorists arrested and imprisoned, while ignoring the rights of innocents not to be blown up.

He also traces some of the Islamo-Nazi terror in recent years in Europe.
It is a fascinating and enlightening book, one which I will not forget and has taught me a lot.

Moving on from the staid and historical 19th century (Earthly Powers: The Clash of Religion and Politics in Europe, from the French Revolution to the Great War) Mr. Burleigh now brings his pen to the 20th, ratcheting up the volume and daring to skewer those he does not agree with.

One can tell that the books analysis is right on from the faces of those who have been put against it. Critics have argued that the book dares to speak of the threat of Islamism while not mentioning 'Fundamentalist Judaism' or the political role of Hinduism in India (the BJP) or 'radical' Sinhalese Buddhism in Sri Lanka. But how many people in the world have died at the hands of Hindu nationalist terrorists or Sinhalese Buddhists suicide bombers? None.

Burleigh is controversial in truth because he dares in this volume to define Communism and Nazism as religions in their won right that replaced God with the state. The slavish devotion of people to these 'sacred causes' was akin to religion, but actually worse, for organized religion at its worst never produced the horrors of Nazism and Communism. This is what offends people. Burleigh dares to show that Communism was a scam, it was merely a new religion invented to place the state and man at the center. In its destruction of 50 million lives in the 20th century it has been far worse than any organized religion. But few will admit it. Nazism too was a renewal of pagan fundamentalism, tribalistic extremism, akin to the Hutu fascism in Rwanda but with more evil efficiency.

Burleigh notes that these two threats to European civilization were beaten back but that organized religion, namely the Catholic church, has suffered in the process. He notes that Islamism has picked up where Nazism and Communism left off in terms of a threat to European civilization. He is right. But why is there still no resurgence in some form of religion among the secular masses of Europe? He cannot answer this question. In addition Burleigh has far to much praise for the Catholic church, perhaps hoping that it will play a greater role in the 21st century.

A fascinating and brilliantly argued book. A wonderful read, brilliantly argued, something that many can learn from.

Seth J. Frantzman

Michael Burleigh tackles the complex and often subtle relationship between religion and politics from World War I through the War on Terror in this expansive book. His analysis is both thorough and thought-provoking. While his attention to detail lends great value to this scholarly effort, the book is very long and touches on many persons and events with which the average person is completely unfamiliar. My advice to persons like myself is to push through the portions for which you lack background knowledge and not give up on a book which gives an excellent overview of the Western relationship between faith and government.

_Sacred Causes: The Clash of Religion and Politics, From the Great War to the War on Terror_ is an astounding book full of historical insights into the conflict between the churches and the Twentieth Century totalitarian "political religions" by British historian Michael Burleigh. This book takes off from where Burleigh's previous book _Earthly Powers_ (which deals with the time period from the French Revolution to the "Great War") left off. As in his previous works which have largely focused on the Third Reich, Burleigh is indebted to certain conservative theorists of totalitarianism such as Eric Voegelin and Raymond Aron. Burleigh notes at the beginning of this work that he does not really have a name for the kind of history he is to present, but that he intends to operate in the ground where politics, ideas, culture, and religious faith meet. Throughout this book, Burleigh remains largely unafraid to challenge many of the trendy nostrums of the politically correct liberal elite, such as multiculturalism, secularism, post-modernist and "New Age" fantasies. This work also defends the Catholic church in particular from many of its would-be opponents (be they secularist, Protestant, or Jewish) and from those who would try to smear it with the "fascist" label (merely because they disagree with certain of its teachings). In particular, Burleigh defends Pope Pius XII from the idiotic charges of many trendy secularists that he was a supporter of Hitler. From his writing, it can be seen that Burleigh regards much of what the churches have done as positive accomplishments and that he sees the Christian faith as a useful remedy to totalitarianism (be that in the form of Communism, Nazism, or Islamist terrorism). As such, this book is certain to offend many of the smug politically correct elite who offer very little to society but criticize everything.

Burleigh begins his book with a discussion of the "Great War". He notes the powerful emotions unleashed by that war and the subsequent search for meaning. Many lost their lives (or the lives of family) in the pointless fighting and as such there was a great anxiety brewing among Europeans of the time. Burleigh notes the effects of the war on such writers as Rudyard Kipling, Henri Barbusse, Karl Kraus, T. S. Eliot, and Ernst Junger. He also notes the role of religion in their writings and philosophies. Burleigh also notes how a sort of proto-New Age movement developed following the war, in which a religious syncretism sprang forth. Such proto-New Age beliefs were particularly common in Germany (though not just in Germany) where countless apocalyptic long-haired prophets railed against the system and advocated lifestyle reform. Such individuals included fanatics like Louis Haeusser and Friedrich Muck-Lamberty, who had all sorts of strange ideas, and as Burleigh effectively argues Adolf Hitler himself may have emerged from this quasi-Bohemian milieu. Burleigh also shows how many more mainstream Protestants were coerced by these weird new beliefs (and in fact Protestants were to largely embrace much of the Aryan mythos as well as the eugenics policies of Nazi Germany). Following this discussion, Burleigh turns to a discussion of the totalitarian political religions. He begins with communism and the Bolsheviks, showing the fascination certain Western liberal intellectuals had with them (such as Bertrand Russell) until they visited Russia themselves and saw the horrors they had in store for humanity first hand. Burleigh explicates the conflicts between the Bolsheviks and the Orthodox churches, showing the brutality of Lenin and Stalin when it came to dealing with religion and their attempts to take over these churches by implanting their own party men among them. However, even more disgusting are the actions of a communist group calling itself The League of Militant Godless (which stole from the churches, defiled holy objects and the relics of saints, and engaged in debates with priests which they frequently lost but then simply murdered the priests). Burleigh also traces the Soviet obsession with "physical culture", the development of the idea of the "Soviet man", and the bizarre socialist theories of "God-making". Following this, Burleigh turns to the fascists under Mussolini, showing how Mussolini originally hated the churches (and God) till he found it convenient to cozy up to them, so long as he retained full power. Burleigh then returns to the Soviets, noting their horrendous crimes (particularly against the "kulaks" and religion) and their insane propaganda policies with regard to the workers (such as the promotion of the Stakhanovites - Soviet Ubermenschen who performed inhuman feats in outworking their fellows and were praised by the state). Burleigh next turns his attention to the Nazis and the man Adolf Hitler. Burleigh explains that while Hitler believed in some sort of God, his God was far from the Christian one. Hitler also frequently made hateful comments about priests, would have liked to destroy the Catholic church (though he admired certain aspects of it), and mocked the transubstantiation. Burleigh next turns to the churches in the age of the dictators. Burleigh considers the Catholic church in Mexico and Spain and notes the complicated relationship between the church, the revolutionaries, the fascists, and various other right-wing parties. Burleigh also considers the role of the Catholic church concerning communism and fascism. Among other things, he exonerates Pope Pius XII from the malicious slurs against him that he was "Hitler's Pope". Burleigh shows how the Catholic church did much to oppose both policies of eugenics and extreme anti-Semitism in Germany. In fact, the pope was even praised for his role in defending the Jews from Hitler by many rabbis of the time (it was not until more recently that political maneuvering came into play and it was discovered that blaming the pope for the crimes of the Nazis was a convenient tactic). On the other hand, many Protestants supported both eugenics and extreme anti-Semitism (though ironically today Protestants are largely the biggest supporters of the state of Israel!). Liberal Protestants also supported communist leaders and I was saddened to learn that even an individual as esteemed as Karl Barth turned a blind eye to the atrocities committed by communists. Following this, Burleigh discusses the events of World War II, particularly as they concerned the churches. Burleigh mentions the compliated relationships between the churches and the fascists, but also notes the opposition of the church to many of the excesses of de-nazification. Burleigh also discusses the role of the churches in Eastern Europe in the fight against communism. He mentions for example Cardinal Mindszenty as well as the heroic efforts of individuals such as Pope John Paul II to counteract the evils of communism. Burleigh next turns to Ireland, where a conflict rages between Protestants and Catholics. Burleigh has some very harsh words for the Irish terrorists (and some have criticized his commentary here as being excessive). Burleigh next turns to the collapse of Marxist-Leninism in the East, noting especially the role of the church in defeating the communist menace (as well as the role of the people in their support of the church). Finally, Burleigh ends by discussing the modern post-9/11 world. Burleigh harshly criticizes Islamism and Islamic terrorists (again some have criticized his remarks as being excessive). He also criticizes Western secularism and liberalism (both of which appear willing to cede over control to Islamics and other minority groups given the opportunity, which sets a dangerous precedent). Burleigh also criticizes the outcome of the Sixties and much of New Age nihilism, noting the dangers of unbelief. Burleigh ends his tome by noting that he remains an optimist (though he has reservations) despite the fact that many problems besiege Europe and the West at this time.

This book is an excellent historical undertaking which reveals many of the intricacies of the modern age. Burleigh effectively makes the case that the churches continue to have much to offer Western culture, and that indeed a return to the Faith may be the only means of saving the West from its imminent destruction. Burleigh's remarks may often appear harsh at times, but they are certainly needed in these nihilistic and decadent times.

A genuinely historical and very well-written account of the conflict between secularism and religion over the past hundred years or so. The former -- whether under the guise of humanism, liberalism, pseudo-conservatism, communism, or Nazism -- has, far more often than not, been the victor in these clashes of culture. But, of course, might doesn't make right (in addition, these victories have been transient, and far more illusory than substantive). No, it is religion that has tended to be on the right, albeit losing, side. There's no doubt, however, that this tradition is being challenged by present-day Islam, which appears to have the upper hand.

While our Muslim brethren are correct in despising a plethora of cultural pathologies, their embrace of indiscriminate and extreme violence is problematic...to say the least! No one who claims to be truly civilized can countenance their vile actions. But it's equally impossible to lend one's support to the egregious and depraved creed that is secular humanism. The solution is rooted in the West's embracing once again, at long last, its foundational Christianity. I'm not holding my breath. Well, it will be interesting to see how it plays out -- interesting, but unpleasant.

This is an interesting book. The first 6 chapters constituting more than 1/2 of the work are excellent. Burleigh's thesis is the uneasy relation between church and state in Europe. While Burleigh is clearly a conservative, he is not simply an apologist for the right. He is extremely critical of the Franco regime in Spain but he also points out the atrocities of the supporters of the Republic. He is also critical of the conservative Catholic Hierarchy in Spain which used the triumph of Franco to dominate Spanish society, those French Catholic Prelates who supported Vichy and the mainline Protestants in Germany who were less critical than they should have been of Hitler. He shows how the Nazis and Fascists attempted to use the indigenous religions to strengthen their own stranglehold on society. He documents the atrocities and tyrannies of the Communists where ever they took control. His treatment of Pius XII and the holocaust is, I believe, masterful. I have read three other books on the subject and this is the best. His aim is not to hold Pius beyond criticism, but to show him for what he was, a good man in an impossible situation. Any fair minded reader will recognize the attempt to label Pius as "Hitler's Pope" for the propaganda that it is.
The book is not without its flaws. Because of the diffuse nature of the subject matter, Burleigh is sometimes all over the lot. His digressions can be distracting. In addition, he takes the opportunity from time to time to settle old scores with his left wing academic rivals. This is understandable given the dominance and stridency of the left in the universities but this too is distracting. The last four chapters were a disappointment to me. He's trying to cover too much ground in too little space. The presentation becomes confusing. One doesn't get a clear understanding of why European Society secularized so quickly. Probably Burleigh should have written a third volume( his first was titled"Earthly Powers") to cover this topic.
One last point. This book was the subject of a hatchet job by the historian Tony Judt who wrote a book review for the New York Times. The review was completely out of line with other reviews, and absolutely unfair. What Judt failed to disclose was that Burleigh had written a somewhat negative review of Judt's own book,"Postwar". This was clearly payback. When confronted with this Judt claimed he was unaware of Burleigh's prior review. This is preposterous. No historian reviewing the work of a rival could possibly not know of that rival's own review of his own book. Didn't he ever hear of Google? Judt's denial and the Times'
assignment of this review to him are the height of mendacity.
All in all, a book not without its flaws but a valuable work nevertheless.

When you finish this book you will be asking yourself how you know what you know about your society to be true and who are the stakeholders guiding the thoughts and actions of the citizenry? You will need to keep a dictionary handy as Michael's vocabulary is vast. Thinking through how the different factions in each conflict, Ireland, Afghanistan, Eurabia, etc., you start to understand the necessity for truly knowing oneself, to be well grounded in your facts and to know when you are stating an opinion.