Customer Reviews

Shadow Cities: A Billion Squatters, a New Urban World

5 star:		(3)
4 star:		(3)
3 star:		(3)
2 star:		(3)
1 star:		(1)

 

 

This rather haphazard book functions well as a sociological portrait of four squatter cities as well as a spirited PR piece for the people living there, but fails on other fronts. The best parts are the first four chapters, which outline Neuwirth's field work in the shantytowns of Rio, Nairobi, Mumbai, and Istanbul. This consisted of living in situ for several months and talking to as many people as possible in order to get the pulse of a place. These 150 pages are fairly engaging insider views of places few of us are likely to venture, and are worth reading as a kind of non-traditional travelogue.

The book really loses its way after this. There is a meandering chapter about urban squatting throughout time, including snippets on ancient Rome, Medieval Europe, Victorian London, '20s Shanghai, and various cities in the U.S. This is followed by another meandering chapter about squatters in New York over the last 150 years. Both of these contains some interesting stories and factoids, but fail to cohere into anything more than that. Next is a brief, rather snide chapter skewering the efforts of the NGO Habitat, which takes the rather predictable line that well-intentioned aid from outsiders accomplishes nothing. Then a chapter addressing crime in the four communities he lived in -- why this needs to be broken out into it's own chapter is unclear. Next is a rather muddled chapter on the concept of "property" and the various theoretical tugs-of-war surrounding it, which feels quite like the obligatory "theory" chapter of a Master's thesis.

A rather significant flaw running through the book is that Neuwirth writes as if his readers all hold some kind of ridiculous stereotype about who lives in shantytowns. Few readers are likely to believe that millions of shantytown-dwellers around the world are simply lazy and/or criminal -- yet the writing is rather shrilly pitched as if the reader was some kind of reactionary nincompoop. His profiles in courage of ingenious hard-working and optimistic poor (and a few who aren't so poor) shantytowners are welcome, but get rather repetitive. Furthermore, while these profiles are certainly heart-warming, they are ultimately little more than anecdotal data. They are also ironically similar to the sustaining American capitalist myths of "rugged individualism" and "pulling yourself up by your bootstraps." However, the reality is that the vast majority of the people living in the communities he passed through are going to be born poor, live poor, and die poor -- regardless of how hard they work or how ingenious they are.

The book's larger aims fail because Neuwirth tries to uncouple housing issues from broader issues of poverty when the reality is that the one is embedded deeply in the other. Shantytowns have exploded around the world thanks to rural-to-urban migration patterns driven by global capitalism. In his book The Mystery of Capital, Hernan de Soto addresses this larger problem quite specifically and offers a possible way forward (within a traditional capitalism framework). Unfortunately, Neuwirth seems to have not quite grasped de Soto's ideas, and instead offers only sneering potshots at only portions of them. This problem with his dubious analysis is that by singling out specific elements of de Soto's proposal (notably property titles) from his larger framework (which includes addressing corruption, elitism, stagnant bureaucracies and a great many other things), the critique has no meaning. It's especially disappointing because de Soto and Neuwirth are both on the side of squatters, and both want better lives for them. One of the underlying themes of de Soto's book is that when citizens create facts on the ground, their government should change its methods to accommodate them, not isolate them.

Ultimately, this is a rather disappointing work with some genuine bright spots. It's great that Neuwirth went and spent a year of his life in these communities, and he's good at capturing the flavor of them. It's just a shame that his broader analysis is so flighty. There is an running underlying tension whereby Neuwirth provides case after case of how squatters get taken advantage of because they have no legal protections, and yet he refuses to admit that valid, enforceable property titles are part of the solution to exactly these inequities. In any event, worth a quick read by those with a deep interest in the subject, but on the whole it's a letdown.

A billion squatters living around the world and the number is growing. This book gives us a glimpse into the day-to-day life of 4 distinct squatter communities: Rocinha (Rio de Janeiro); Southland (Nairobi, Kenya); Squatter Colony (Mumbai {Bombay}); and Sultanbeyli (Istanbul).

Taking up residency in these neighborhoods, the author found not only the most dismal of living conditions (piles of trash lining the streets; no running water, sewers or toilets), he also found lively, hard-working, resourceful and optimistic inhabitants.

What surprised me most was learning that many of those who live in these squatter communities actually prefer to live there rather than to be relocated to government housing. For example, in one area of Rio, there is a city housing project which consists of concrete apartment buildings. The buildings themselves are crumbling and the grounds are littered with garbage and broken glass. There is a sense of hopelessness. In contrast, living in a squatter town, one is not restricted to a single concrete room. One can build a mud hut initially and enlarge, upgrade or even tear down and rebuild in brick or wood. If one is resourceful, one can build an extra room to rent out or even open a business. This gives a squatter a sense of pride and a sense of being in control of his own destiny.

This is not a romanticized look at squatters, though. Much is said of the opposition these residents face at the hands of the the politicians, the land developers, the wealthy, and the press. Problems with crime and drugs are also addressed. But it would be hard to walk away from this book and not feel sympathy and respect for these people.

The number of squatters living in these communities worldwide is expected to reach 2 billion by 2030. That is roughly 1 in 4 people on earth. Perhaps that alone is reason enough to become aware and informed on this subject.

A very interesting book. Illustrated with black and white photographs.

Shadow Cities is a very good idea for a book, and an utterly important topic, but the Neuwirth clearly didn't put in the time it would have taken to write the important book that the topic demands. Here are my major concerns: 1) Neuwirth doesn't understand the intellectual history of shantytowns and squatting. For example, in the prologue, his examination of Hernando de Soto's ideas is laughably brief, and it's clear he doesn't understand de Soto's ideas. Nor does he give them the analysis they deserve. 2) The book is extremely short (it's printed in type so large that I initially thought I had the large print edition), and reads like a sketch for a much longer (and better-researched) book. After discussing four squatter communities, it appears that he runs out things to say, and he jumps into a discursive overview of American squatter history that often neglects to include dates, places, or enough detail to make his point clearly. 3) Neuwirth writes, I must say, like a hack journalist. Overused metaphors, florid language, and imprecise descriptions abound. Was he on deadline, or did he just not care? I'm rarely this critical of books. I just think Neuwirth missed a tremendous opportunity, and it shows.

Investigative reporter Rober Neuwirth personally spent two years living in squatter neighborhoods on four continents, and from that experience presents Shadow Cities: A Billion Squatters, A New Urban World an engrossing documentary concerning shantytowns and those who live within them - estimated to be a billion individuals, and projected to grow to two billion. Though shantytowns are feared as centers of decay and lawlessness, Neuwirth discovered thriving and vital communities striving to build liveable quarters in an era when private developers charge far more than individuals can afford. One squatter home in Rio de Janeiro is a three-room apartment with tile floors, a full bathroom, an eat-in kitchen, electricity, running water, and a balcony with a view of the ocean. Though Shadow Cities understands that the reality of squatters may be gritty, it reveals hope in the character of those who live humbly, and reveals that squatters will build vibrant neighborhoods without private titles as long as they know they are not subject to eviction. A probing and highly recommended scrutiny of all dimensions of a critical worldwide phenomenon.

This book was very disappointing. Although at 54 I am getting to the point where I need granny glasses to read those books where the print is too fine, this book goes way in excess to the other side: large print and triple spacing. This book is a 60 page article inflated to 300 pages.

The author has endured privation and offers many useful observations in the book, which makes it one of passing utility, but I put book down feeling somewhat dismayed as well as disappointed. Unlike C. K. Prahalad's The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid: Eradicating Poverty Through Profits (Wharton School Publishing Paperbacks),which made the very compelling case for taking the five billion poor's four trillion a year economic needs much more seriously, this book left me with absolutely no sense of "what is to be done."

This is a travelogue, not a policy book. Worth reading, but it could have been so much more than I am obliged to give it my lowest rating for any book that makes my reading list--three stars.

This is a great read. Neuwirth presents plenty of anecdotes and moving stories about people who he obviously respects and cares for. This book is a cure for the errors of both left- and right-leaning travelers. For those who want to sweep in and save the slum dwellers, he makes it quite clear that intervention is often the worst thing you can do for the people you're trying to help. For those who think slum dwellers are lazy criminals, he presents real stories of real people living courageously and honestly in difficult conditions. He addresses the good and bad sides to squatter life and admits there are no easy answers.

My only complaints are that Neuwirth isn't so good at writing gripping history - I got bored and slightly confused in the section on the history of squatting in the US - and there were inexcusably many typos. Although the history sections weren't well written, they provided important context and addressed an issue I have often wondered about. Unfortunately, Neuwirth missed the opportunity to really delve into how the developing world grew out of the squatter phase - the section left you actually mourning the passage of a romantic era when anyone could build for himself, rather than with lessons from history which could inform efforts in the developing world.

This is one of the best books I have read in a while. The author - Robert Neuwirth - lived in four slum areas in or near major cities in the third world and then reported what he found. Neuwirth seems to have a unique knack for putting threads of stories together in a way that produces a compelling and fascinating tale. He reports bits and pieces of information received from local squatters, landlords, politicians, social activists, etc., and put together a story that seems so complete that you feel that you have the "feel" of life in these places.

The book does have weaknesses. His historical accounts of slums strike the reader as piecemeal and thrown together. The portions of the book which deal with various proposed solutions fail to even discuss the significance of overpopulation in the etiology of slum development.

But I gave the book four stars nonetheless. Neuwirth's first hand account of slum life in the modern world is almost spellbinding. Contrary to what one would expect, the book is not just an endless recitation of privation and poverty. The "slums" that he describes contain tales of triumph as well as oppression; ingenuity as well as exploitation. The book celebrates the human spirit as well as it pointing out its sins.

Some of things reported in the book will surprise. For instance, the Brazilian "slum" of Rocinha is so vibrantly alive, one almost feels envious of those who reside there. Similarly, the tenacity of slum-dwellers in confronting adversity is often breathtaking. Then again, on the other hand, the brutal exploitation of the poor by people only slightly more advantaged is a disheartening commentary on the human race.

Overall, this is quite a tale. Robert Neuwirth's book is a great read and well worth the time and the price.

Being an American citizen of color, I have traveled and lived abroad in other countries for durations of more than 2 years (the amount of time the author has spent in each city and continent profiled in his book). Therefore, to me, this book seemed like a White American tourist's point of view of the poor, "third-world" cities of color he has spent time in for at least 6 months...which is actually quite a short period of time. Most of the book includes his observations of his surroundings from the first few weeks. Overall, I would not hold in high regard opinions of a foreign city and its people from an outsider who has not done, at the very least, in depth scholarly research of the area beforehand, or more living experience in the areas. I am not sure if he spoke any of the languages of the people in these areas, or had a translator, but I believe that there was a large cultural gap and misunderstanding of the practices and reasons for those practices of the communities he observed. There was hardly any dialogue or quotations from any of the people he interviewed, he described their situations in his own words which was rather dull, and I did not get a real feel at all for any of the people he interviewed.

The author's aversion to talking about racial inequalities...specifically in the Brazil chapter, quite frankly did not surprise me. However, if you are going to talk about the history of slavery in Brazil, talk about favelas in Brazil and the people who live there...you have to at least mention the fact that they are overwhelmingly people of African descent and other people of color, and then at least pose the question: why? This chapter lacked the linking of political, class, racial and economic factors that are key to truly understanding squatter communities in this region of the world.

Second, all of the above mentioned things go hand in hand with the author's chapter on Nairobi. It just about equated his experience to every single stereotype of the whole continent of Africa there is...mentioning "wild animals", equating it with trash and disease, calling people's homes "huts", being the white foreigner that kids like to follow and talk to...the inclusion of these things into his chapter shows. Mind you, this book is about "cities"...not "continents"...last time I checked, there was a difference between the two.
The whole chapter was practically the author's description of his own culture shock...whether he realized it or not. Even more, and any African studies scholar (or person possessing actual cultural knowledge and sensitivity) would give an exasperated sigh when the author went further by feeling compelled to contemplate the "dark continent" cliche (p.74) which is irrelevant, and indirectly and subconsciously racist...considering the cliche's origins. After discussing it, he ultimately called the phrase "objectionable." At the end of the passage he uses the silhouettes of people on the wall as an excuse to ignorantly insert: "In this prosaic way, Africa appeared to me as the dark continent(74)."


Obviously after that I could not continue the book. I just wanted to highlight these issues, because many people take offense to them and they should not go without criticism. I would love to see what this book could have been by a journalist or scholar who does not constrain themselves to stereotypes and includes more research and deep-thinking to really bring to light the issues these communities are facing.

I have to admit that I was disappointed. When I heard that an author had lived in four different slums. Had lived there for a significant amount of time and then wrote a book about it - I knew I needed to read that book. However, instead of taking the opportunity to fully introduce the reader to the life of the squatters, we get occasional brushes with humanity mixed in with the philosophy of land ownership and the history of slums and squatters throughout the world.

The first four chapters are very good. Neuwirth gives an intimate overview of the four squatter settlements he lived in - in Rio de Janeiro, Mumbai, Nairobi and Istanbul. These chapters constitute a great start to a potentially great book. But then the author gets sidetracked with two chapters on the history of squatters - one throughout the world and one focused on New York City. This is not necessarily bad information, but it's out of place. It also feels like these chapters could have been written by any grad student from the comfort of the university library.

Moving on from there you get a few chapters on the perceptions of slums, what non-profits are doing about it, and then a bizarre chapter on the philosophy of property ownership. This chapter is for sure the most out of place in the book. From Aristotle to Marx, Neuwirth thinks that the reader wants to know what thinkers throughout time have considered the important basis for the ownership of land.

Yes, there are vignettes throughout the end of the book from the author's experience that work together with the history and philosophy he's writing about. But I'm left disappointed, knowing that I could have been personally introduced to what it really means to live the life of a squatter throughout four different continents.

In Shadow Cities, Robert Neuwirth asserts that squatter communities are effective despite the lack of formal law or law enforcement. He says that the only rule in many squatter communities is that no one may build anything permanent, and often construction groups based on family or friendship ties are formed to help each other. No one owns the land underneath their homes, but intricate structures have developed organically to manage land tenure, and the author praises these structures over formal property titling. In support of his contentions, Neuwirth states that formal title to land in some countries brought about an industry of document forgery, with dozens of people claiming ownership of some parcels, thus actual possession of land still takes precedence over an official (or forged) document. Further, he states that loans are almost impossible to obtain from banks, yet entrepreneurialism remains high; for example Kiberan women operate a system of investment/savings to help each other pay for business expenses or education. Neuwirth also argues that land titling does not unleash the value of dead capital, but rather brings in speculators, tax collectors, planners, and red tape; no bank will give a loan to someone whose collateral is ten square feet of land covered by a mud hut with no electricity, gas, or running water. Further, residents must pay bribes to get construction permits for titled land, and once constructed the residents are forced to pay higher taxes despite the fact that they get no services from the government. To him, the key is not titling, but rather assurance against eviction.

To critique Neuwirth's analysis, he argues against titling because corrupt officials ask for bribes and the government raises taxes on titled land, but this seems to be an argument not necessarily against titling, but against government corruption and high taxes. He also contradicts himself in describing some of the benefits of titling, for instance that people were able to use their land as collateral to get credit cards (yet he also says that banks will not give loans to people who put up their mud huts as collateral--the contention that a dwelling can't be used as collateral for a loan but can be used to obtain a credit card is interesting), but then dismisses these benefits with little explanation for their dismissal.

On a more theoretical level, Neuwirth's contentions taken to their logical conclusion at times seem to support anarchy and at other times support totalitarianism. For instance, he argues that squatters live by an ancient contention that everyone deserves to have a home, and they respect the territorial lines that each person or family draws around their property and thus the government does not need to title land. This is an indirect argument for anarchy, but at other times he asserts a veritable totalitarianism in saying that the government should demolish homes in areas that may be affected by flooding--allowing people to formulate their own rules, build their own homes, and set up their own property lines in some areas and demolish settlements in others seems inconsistent. This contention is not only inconsistent but also impractical; the City of New Orleans is built in a flood prone area, but the people in that city would be better served by having the government help them protect against and/or recover from flooding than by having the government demolish any structure built in the area. Even further, Neuwirth's arguments against property titling assume that everyone will respect each other's boundaries based on the fact that some people in some urban areas respect each other's boundaries, but he gives no evidence that these boundaries will be respected by all members of every society to the same degree that well enforced formal law and property rights must be respected by any member of any society. In conclusion, Neuwirth has done a good deal of interesting research in this book, but further explanation of his reasoning would be helpful.