Customer Reviews

The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage

5 star:		(9)
4 star:		(0)
3 star:		(2)
2 star:		(1)
1 star:		(1)

 

 

A rare constellation of virtues made it hard to put down this riveting volume. First of all, Gitlin is a superb writer. His language often reaches a literary quality, he has a novelist's eye for detail, an investigative journalist's command of the relevant information, and a story-teller's ability with narrative. That Gitlin is an academic sociologist shows through in his capable analyses of social forces. His description of the dynamics of escalation in the student movement's activities together with its own self-understanding is especially enlightening. His account is also impressively fair-minded. Because he cared so much about achieving the goals of the student movement, Gitlin describes what was thought and done both sympathetically and critically. These and other reasons make the book well worth reading for anyone interested in U.S. culture. But for those of us who were involved in the campus struggles against the war in Nicaragua or against investment in apartheid South Africa in the '80's or, indeed, in any such campaigns since, this book creates a debt of gratitude.

This was required reading for a graduate course in American history. Todd Gitlin's "The Sixties: Years of Hope and Days of Rage" is Gitlin's first hand account of the revolutionary air surround the 1960's. Gitlin was the president of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) until 1969. Through his book Gitlin is able to describe the feelings of social unrest and dissatisfaction among baby boomers during the 1960's. Gitlin recounts the inner workings of the SDS organization and the political infighting and offshoots which developed as some members became more radical and others became more conservative.

Gitlin's title, "Years of Hope and Days of Rage" exemplify the feelings of America's college students and generation of young adults during the 1960's. Gitlin describes the 1950's as a drab and unremarkable time when Americans were content to be materialistic and conformist. Although there were some poets, musicians, writers, and philosophers who were making headway towards social rebellion, in Gitlin's opinion, the 1950's were characterized by America's "genial deadhead" president Dwight Eisenhower.

Gitlin describes some of the inspirational figures and their contributions which began in the 1950's. He attributes much of the intellectual beginnings of rebellion to the "Beat" culture of the 1950's. Inspirational figures like James Dean and Marlon Brando in teen dramas like "Rebel Without a Cause" exemplified dissatisfied youth in the post World War II era. Jack Kerouac's poetry challenged the politics of the Cold War and made appeals for civil rights for Affican Americans. Rock n' Roll music with its African American beats and became a way for youth to rebel against their parents. An interesting insight which Gitlin contributes is the invention of MAD magazine and its contribution to the counterculture of the late 1960's Gitlin describes how MAD was one of the few publications which lampooned both mainstream culture and counterculture. In a time when people were scared by anything which was deemed to be unproductive to society or subversive, MAD magazine provided a sense of humor to the Gitlin describes his interest in politics had begun with his first year as a Harvard undergraduate, the Cuban Missile Crisis was the spark which began many of the first college campus demonstrations. Gitlin and other "New Left" students were aghast at the idea of nuclear war being waged over Cuba. They believed that the Kennedy administration had pushed the Soviets too far towards nuclear war and that Kennedy should take a softer approach towards U.S.-Soviet relations. Unwilling to engage in nuclear war at any cost, "New Left" activists were determined to change America's political and social landscape.

Students of the New Left believed that America was too materialistic, racist, and militaristic and did not follow the principle of free speech. Gitlin describes that the New Left activists were disenfranchised by the "old liberals" and new dealers who did not have the political will to demand civil rights for African Americans and defend the rights of American communists against anti-communist conservatives. Although the election of John Kennedy had signaled the arrival of a new generation of liberal politicians, New Left activists disagreed with Kennedy's policies towards the Soviet Union and Communist containment overseas.

Gitlin's book describes the feelings which he and others felt during the 1960's. Those who had lived through the Great Depression and the World War II were content with the new wave of goods and security which the 1950's had to offer. Many for the first time had the money and resources to enroll their children in college. Gitlin claims that his generation was not content with the hypocrisy of the U.S. government's policies towards segregation and free speech. Baby boomers had been raised to believe in the ideals of the constitution and the bill of rights however, they felt that these principles were not being practiced.

Gitlin joined the SDS in 1963 and became their president shortly after joining. The SDS became heavily involved in protests for civil rights on college campuses as well as joining African American activist's demonstrations in U.S. Southern states. The SDS engaged in public debates, demonstrations and marches for civil rights and against the Vietnam War. The SDS participated in famous demonstrations at the University of California Berkley and the infamous Democratic National Convention demonstration in Chicago.

During the late 1960's, the SDS began descending into disagreement and criticism from within their own organization. Some SDS members wanted to use violence in their demonstrations; this was criticized by Gitlin and others as being too radical. The lingering question of whether or not to profess support for Soviet and Maoist style communism was raised. Some believed that the North Vietnamese and the Vietcong should be forgiven for their acts of violence against the Vietnamese people because they were committing these acts as a response to American aggression. Gitlin and others believed that it was hypocritical to not hold U.S. leaders and Vietnamese leaders to the same morale standards. Eventually, the SDS disbanded in early 1970 after different leaders of SDS offshoots like the weathermen began participating in bombings and other violent demonstrations against military and other installations.

Gitlin ends his book by describing the events which followed the disintegration of the SDS. Gitlin signals the disbanding of the SDS as the end of the true 1960's revolutionary spirit. SDS members and other revolutionaries became tired of the political infighting and the lack of cooperation from government representatives. According to Gitlin these former revolutionaries embraced new ideals and new forms of spirituality and were diluted in the popularity of the hippie movement during the early 1970's. Gitlin claims that the rising popularity of Buddhism and new religious sects like the Hare Krishnas showed that many were losing faith in the movement and were turning to a higher power or spirituality to cope.

Gitlin criticizes the absurdity of some of the radical movements which came from the late 1960's as being crazy and farcical. Gitlin gives the examples of Patti Hurst's kidnapping by the Symbionese Liberation Army and the activities of Charles Manson's group. The use of drugs became recreational rather than a tool for philosophical and spiritual experimentation. In the end the radical movements which were aimed at changing America as a whole was broken up into single issue interest groups. Feminists, Black Power activists and anti-Vietnam demonstrators focused on their own issues of interest rather than focusing their efforts into a national movement of progress.

Recommended reading for anyone interested in American history.

In writings about the 1960s in the US, Gitlin offers the reader a rare combination of both the perspective of a major player in the New Left at that time, and as an astude political commentator in his own right. There are, however, deficiencies in regarding the text as a good academic history of the period, as other reviewers have noted.

My particular research, and reason for reading this book, relates to the demise of SDS, and in discussing this, Gitlin frequently talks in greater detail about personalities rather than abstract, but vital, political fact. Indeed, on several occasions the author goes as far as to declare his personal dislike for several of the Weatherman leaders on the grounds of their political differences. Certainly not the stuff of academic surveys.

Perhaps best taken and used as a well-written and historically precarious yet valuable biography, rather than as some kind of definitive text of the 60s. Contains full notes and index, but no bibliographic essay.

Mr. Gitlin's position as head of SDS in the 60's puts him in a unique position to write a cultural history of those turbulent times. As a college student in the late Sixties, reading this text took me back to the days of protests, love-ins and the best music ever recorded. Quite simply I found it a moving, magical, refreshing experience.

While clearly seated in a european-intellectual tradition -- i.e. para-Marxism/Postmodenism -- Gitlin's account of the events and people of the path that took the Christain/liberal movements of the late 1950s/early 1960s towards the chaos and violence of 1968 and the early 1970s is breath-taking and powerful.

This was required reading for a graduate course in American history. Todd Gitlin's "The Sixties: Years of Hope and Days of Rage" is Gitlin's first hand account of the revolutionary air surround the 1960's. Gitlin was the president of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) until 1969. Through his book Gitlin is able to describe the feelings of social unrest and dissatisfaction among baby boomers during the 1960's. Gitlin recounts the inner workings of the SDS organization and the political infighting and offshoots which developed as some members became more radical and others became more conservative.

Gitlin's title, "Years of Hope and Days of Rage" exemplify the feelings of America's college students and generation of young adults during the 1960's. Gitlin describes the 1950's as a drab and unremarkable time when Americans were content to be materialistic and conformist. Although there were some poets, musicians, writers, and philosophers who were making headway towards social rebellion, in Gitlin's opinion, the 1950's were characterized by America's "genial deadhead" president Dwight Eisenhower.

Gitlin describes some of the inspirational figures and their contributions which began in the 1950's. He attributes much of the intellectual beginnings of rebellion to the "Beat" culture of the 1950's. Inspirational figures like James Dean and Marlon Brando in teen dramas like "Rebel Without a Cause" exemplified dissatisfied youth in the post World War II era. Jack Kerouac's poetry challenged the politics of the Cold War and made appeals for civil rights for Affican Americans. Rock n' Roll music with its African American beats and became a way for youth to rebel against their parents. An interesting insight which Gitlin contributes is the invention of MAD magazine and its contribution to the counterculture of the late 1960's Gitlin describes how MAD was one of the few publications which lampooned both mainstream culture and counterculture. In a time when people were scared by anything which was deemed to be unproductive to society or subversive, MAD magazine provided a sense of humor to the Gitlin describes his interest in politics had begun with his first year as a Harvard undergraduate, the Cuban Missile Crisis was the spark which began many of the first college campus demonstrations. Gitlin and other "New Left" students were aghast at the idea of nuclear war being waged over Cuba. They believed that the Kennedy administration had pushed the Soviets too far towards nuclear war and that Kennedy should take a softer approach towards U.S.-Soviet relations. Unwilling to engage in nuclear war at any cost, "New Left" activists were determined to change America's political and social landscape.

Students of the New Left believed that America was too materialistic, racist, and militaristic and did not follow the principle of free speech. Gitlin describes that the New Left activists were disenfranchised by the "old liberals" and new dealers who did not have the political will to demand civil rights for African Americans and defend the rights of American communists against anti-communist conservatives. Although the election of John Kennedy had signaled the arrival of a new generation of liberal politicians, New Left activists disagreed with Kennedy's policies towards the Soviet Union and Communist containment overseas.

Gitlin's book describes the feelings which he and others felt during the 1960's. Those who had lived through the Great Depression and the World War II were content with the new wave of goods and security which the 1950's had to offer. Many for the first time had the money and resources to enroll their children in college. Gitlin claims that his generation was not content with the hypocrisy of the U.S. government's policies towards segregation and free speech. Baby boomers had been raised to believe in the ideals of the constitution and the bill of rights however, they felt that these principles were not being practiced.

Gitlin joined the SDS in 1963 and became their president shortly after joining. The SDS became heavily involved in protests for civil rights on college campuses as well as joining African American activist's demonstrations in U.S. Southern states. The SDS engaged in public debates, demonstrations and marches for civil rights and against the Vietnam War. The SDS participated in famous demonstrations at the University of California Berkley and the infamous Democratic National Convention demonstration in Chicago.

During the late 1960's, the SDS began descending into disagreement and criticism from within their own organization. Some SDS members wanted to use violence in their demonstrations; this was criticized by Gitlin and others as being too radical. The lingering question of whether or not to profess support for Soviet and Maoist style communism was raised. Some believed that the North Vietnamese and the Vietcong should be forgiven for their acts of violence against the Vietnamese people because they were committing these acts as a response to American aggression. Gitlin and others believed that it was hypocritical to not hold U.S. leaders and Vietnamese leaders to the same morale standards. Eventually, the SDS disbanded in early 1970 after different leaders of SDS offshoots like the weathermen began participating in bombings and other violent demonstrations against military and other installations.

Gitlin ends his book by describing the events which followed the disintegration of the SDS. Gitlin signals the disbanding of the SDS as the end of the true 1960's revolutionary spirit. SDS members and other revolutionaries became tired of the political infighting and the lack of cooperation from government representatives. According to Gitlin these former revolutionaries embraced new ideals and new forms of spirituality and were diluted in the popularity of the hippie movement during the early 1970's. Gitlin claims that the rising popularity of Buddhism and new religious sects like the Hare Krishnas showed that many were losing faith in the movement and were turning to a higher power or spirituality to cope.

Gitlin criticizes the absurdity of some of the radical movements which came from the late 1960's as being crazy and farcical. Gitlin gives the examples of Patti Hurst's kidnapping by the Symbionese Liberation Army and the activities of Charles Manson's group. The use of drugs became recreational rather than a tool for philosophical and spiritual experimentation. In the end the radical movements which were aimed at changing America as a whole was broken up into single issue interest groups. Feminists, Black Power activists and anti-Vietnam demonstrators focused on their own issues of interest rather than focusing their efforts into a national movement of progress.

Recommended reading for anyone interested in American history.

THE 1960's in some respects was a decade like any other: a fixed span of time filled with otherwise disparate events. But ''The Sixties'' also came to mean something more: a style, a mood, a spirit of youthful rebelliousness with its own marketable aura of excess, adventure and innocent, shoot-for-the-moon idealism. Once that spirit was spent, as Todd Gitlin writes in ''The Sixties,'' a compelling new firsthand account of the era, the decade quickly ''receded into haze and myth,'' leaving behind only a few ''lingering images of nobility and violence,'' of charismatic martyrs and mobs in the street, ''a collage of fragments scooped together as if a whole decade took place in an instant.'' Today when pundits debate a possible resurrection of the 60's, they usually have in mind a superficially similar pastiche of trends, from paisleyed fashion and renewed evidence of dissent on campus to well-publicized displays of political conscience by popular rock stars.

Mr. Gitlin's ambitious effort to cut through the nostalgia and myth surrounding the 60's takes an unusual form. Working, as he puts it, ''at the edge of history and autobiography,'' he has written a wide-ranging narrative that oscillates between the first and third person, incorporating both new research on key episodes and potted histories of folk-rock music, hippies, the origins of the women's movement and so forth.

What is important in the book - and what makes it required reading for anyone who wants to grasp the youthful spirit of the time - is the author's highly personal chronicle of the rise and violent collapse of the New Left. Without false sentimentality, he re-creates the political odyssey of the radicals of his generation, as well as his own role in that odyssey.

The Sixties is a vivid account of a turbulent era by one of the leaders of the "New Left" who played an important role in the anti-war movement. The book's qualities and flaws both flow from the author's knowledge that Gitlen has of many pivotal events and personalities that give the bok its intimacy but also lead him to hold the leaders of the New Left less culpable for some of the negative aspects of the era than a writer with a broader perspective might. In general, Gitlin portrays much of the radicalism of the anti-war movement and the New Left as a loss of innocence rather than a dedicated plan to accomplish the goals of the Old Left - "participatory democracy" or radical egalitarianism drawn from Marx while distancing themselves from Stalinism and identification with the Soviet Union. Gitlin covers the origina of the New Left, the Civil Rights movement and the development of Black radicalism, the growth of the women's movement and the sexual revolution, the joining of the radical left and the counterculture and the collision of these elements with the "silent majority" of more conservative Americans that made the era so tumultuous.

In Gitlan's "Years of Hope, Days of Rage" Todd Gitlan set the standard for analysis of the Sixties and the Sixties Generation. His view, though from the perspective of an SDS leader, speaks to a much broader audience, and generates the first book of its kind on the movement era generation.
A seminal work of classic dimenstions, Gitlan captures the essance and essentials of what it meant to grow up in the Sixites. The life and times, the fever and excitement. He does himself a disservice though in not broadening the discussion to race relations which engineered the velocity of the movement and determined its cutting edge.
Timothy Fitzgerald

One review says this book is "Part critical history, part personal memoir, part celebration, and part meditation." This is accurate - though some parts are larger than others. The critical history is very interesting - but the personal memoir, which dominates the book, is not. Gitlin has a lot of interesting and incisive things to say, but he dwells far too much on boring minutiae like who Tom Hayden's girlfriend was in different months.