4.0 out of 5 stars
Arguing for Revolution, January 22, 2006
This review is from: Social Crisis and Social Demoralization: The Dynamics of Status in American Race Relations (Paperback)
Ronald Kuykendall's "Social Crisis and Social Demoralization" is a book that will interest those who have followed "conflict" perspectives on race; the author provides his version of a "conflict" perspective.
The author's discussion of "race relations within the U.S. between African Americans and European Americans" is an attempt to demonstrate that race relations are status relations from which can be deduced a series of behavioral consequences. The author believes that the primary determinant in situations of race relations is social status, so he begins his discussion there. He explains that "Social status determines where an individual begins his social existence; it also determines how and individual will live, where and in what condition he will live, how he will be reared, how he will be socialized, the extent of psychological suffering, and the magnitude of political repression".
Significantly, the first immediate consequence is social adversity. He explains that "prolonged social adversity has made African Americans highly susceptible to feelings of social crisis. Mentally debilitated by their predicament, African Americans are overwhelmed by emotion and stress, which severely retard their social functioning".
Next, the author examines social demoralization, which is a result of social crisis. "Social demoralization is a socio-psychological state that undermines confidence, discipline, willingness, and spirit", he says. "Finally, with shattered morale and shaken confidence, the African American is socially demoralized and given over to random, inconsistent, irrelevant, and irresponsible behavior", he asserts.
The author concludes with a discussion of political class struggle: "The exercise of power reflects the economic, political, and social interests of the dominant political class. Therefore, a counter-class, the antithesis of the dominant political class, is necessarily the only vehicle by which right can be restored."
"But that can only be accomplished by awakening class-consciousness among African Americans. And to do this requires a revolutionary theory that functions as a therapy in addition to being a method of political class struggle." Kuykendall argues that the political class struggle must become revolutionary to be resolved.
My gut reaction is to remember that "War is the gambling table of governments, citizens the dupes of the game". No violent revolution ever reaped a harvest that lasted even one human lifetime! Consider the examples of the short-lived Islamic Revolution (633-656), Yankee Revolution (1776-1787), and the Bolshevik Revolution (1917-1917). Successful fundamental socal change begins at the grassroots level - at the bottom; this was true with Islam, with the Yankee Revolution, and the Bolshevik Revolution - to the extent that the grassroots had already transformed the way they lived, did the resulting revolution and its longevity mirror that. Despite the misguided call for revolution, Kuykendall has written a penetrating analysis from a conflict perspective of race and class relations in the United States.
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5.0 out of 5 stars
Black Star News Review by Kam Williams, December 5, 2005
This review is from: Social Crisis and Social Demoralization: The Dynamics of Status in American Race Relations (Paperback)
Eleven years ago, when he wrote The Rage of a Privileged Class, Ellis uncovered a little-known social phenomenon, namely, the widespread anger and psychic pain being experienced by many of the best-educated African-Americans, despite their being well-respected and relatively prosperous, at least in comparison to the rest of the Black community. His seminal best seller exposed the diminished dreams of a seemingly successful set of overachievers who he found to be bitterly disappointed about the racial discrimination they had encountered, especially in terms of careers at the corporate level. Rather uniformly, they reported feeling betrayed by the country's conventional wisdom that "To get a good job, get a good education," as they found themselves still judged by skin color instead of the content of their character.
I refer to Cose's thought-provoking opus by way of introduction because it appears that it is precisely this same alienated group of individuals now being courted by Ronald Kuykendall in Social Crisis and Social Demoralization: The Dynamics of Status in American Race Relations. For Kuykendall, a Professor of Political Science at Greenville Technical College in South Carolina, argues that the United States' body politic, as currently constructed, is perfectly comfortable with Black people being ostensibly relegated to a permanent, second-class status.
The author blames deep-rooted bigotry for the malingering complacency about the plight of African-Americans in this country, contending that they emanate from a trio of unfortunate beliefs about Blacks' (1) biological inferiority, (2) cultural dysfunction, and (3) inability to figure out how to overcome the stigma of slavery. Despite the seemingly intractable state of affairs, Kuykendall has hope, and it rests with the aforementioned, disillusioned class of disaffected, African-Americans eggheads.
Building a brilliant case with copious quotes from Harold Cruse (The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual), Frantz Fanon (The Wretched of the Earth), E. Franklin Frazier (Black Bourgeoisie), Carter Woodson (The Mis-Education of the Negro) and a dizzying number of other esteemed thinkers, again and again the book arrives at the idea that the great masses of poor Blacks are simply so utterly oppressed that it's impossible for them to ascertain the extent to which they have been bamboozled to believe in an unattainable American Dream.
So, Kuykendall, ala WEB DuBois` Talented Tenth, calls upon the exceptional among the Black intelligentsia to forge a new political mindset. The revolutionary ideology he proposes is to be organized along class lines, and appears to stop just short of advocating armed struggle. This contemplated reform apparently relies heavily on bourgy Blacks agreeing that they have been denied meaningful participation in this society.
While Social Crisis and Social Demoralization is undoubtedly one of the better-informed examinations of the subject of so-called race relations written in recent years, time will only tell whether or not the comfy class of African-Americans will heed the author's incendiary call to challenge the status quo.
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