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Spirits of Resistance and Capitalist Discipline: Factory Women in Malaysia (Suny Series in Anthropology of Work)

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The American Dream. An ideal, the golden land, something to strive for, capitalism. For most immigrants of the early twentieth century, the "American" way of life was sought after as a better way than that found in the old country. Imagine the dilemma posed to you if that same type of capitalistic market was forced onto you, the villager of rural Malaysia, never having wanted a change in lifestyle. In her book, Spirits of Resistance and Capitalist Discipline, Aihwa Ong aims to show how the experiences of Malay women working in neoteric factories and capitalistic life culminate in spirit attacks on the factory floor. Ong succeeds in this endeavor and allows for the intellectual discussion of the possible ramifications of the development of capitalistic ventures on a global scale. Ong addresses her work to a unique group of scholars familiar with the affairs of Southeast Asia, supplementing the anthropological studies of others such as Michael Taussig. She notes, "Spirit possession episodes, in which women become violent and scream abuses, are to be deciphered not so much as a noncapitalist critique of abstract exchange values (Taussig 1980) but as a protest against the loss of autonomy/humanity in work (7-8)." Ong proves this thesis by examining the different aspects of Malay life that have been effected since British colonization: "In the specified spheres of social welfare, sexuality, and education, to name only a few, the everyday lives of village Malays are being reconstituted according to new concepts, language, and procedures (55)." Before the British introduced capitalism to Malaysia, the peasant household strove to be self-sufficient and adapted to easy relocation. While the village (kampung) still exists today, life within it has changed. Children learning English integrate words and phrases into the native Malay tongue as a symbol of their knowledge of the outside world. Marriage and dating practices have changed drastically. Ong notes of her experience in Malaysia in this arena: "Almost all factory women chose their potential spouses either directly, through correspondence, or by accepting a suitor's overtures. This autonomy was directly based on their earning power, since increasingly, village women were expected to save and contribute towards their own wedding expenses and bridal furnishings (199)." Even time spent during the day has changed with schoolgirls still being expected to contribute to household work while "boys spend most of their free time in ball games, scouting, and other extracurricular activities (94)." Given the field specific language of the above observations, the work is dominated by strong cultural text often unfamiliar to the reader. Ong is presenting the conclusions of an anthropological study, and such technical terms and references dominate the diction of the work. Nevertheless, she allows for lay readers to experience the lives of otherwise distant cultures and people. In this pursuit, Ong succeeds in opening a view of globalization that would have otherwise would have been kept shut. The specialized language does not prohibit a meaningful read that has effects on a larger scale. Ong relates her study of the change of the Malay culture to the world as a whole, sparking the reader's interest in the global village. Using the oil crisis of the 1970s as another example of the influx of transnational corporations, Ong explains the connection between the Malaysian situation and the possibility of the same occurrence in another nation. "To escape mounting labor costs at home and gain market access abroad, transnational corporations headquartered in Japan, the United States, and Western Europe began to scatter labor-intensive production processes throughout the third world." The introduction of these TNCs into rural Malay life "facilitated the large-scale entry of kampung women into industrial employment," and thus changed Malay traditions and practices (145). At the same time, however, Malay women did not wish to question the overall male-dominated systems that governed over all areas of life. "They wished for an improvement in their economic position but not a social emancipation in which they would share power with men in general (193)." Ong constructs a model from her case study of Malaysia that can be applied to other nations that are faced with the introduction of TNCs. Each example drawn from Malaysia discloses pertinent information about this model, unfolding an intriguing perspective in which to evaluate world affairs. As the Malay society changed, ordinary men and women refashioned their own culture, incorporating capitalistic ideals while struggling to maintain their cultural heritage. One example is the paradox that seems to exist as women gain more independence in certain areas of their lives (e.g. dating and marriage practices), but at the same time have no wish for total social emancipation. Ong acknowledges that hantu symbolism speaks of the right for factory women to be treated as human beings and not simply as the toys of capitalism. On the global level, this calls into question whether certain cultural practices are safe to foreign intervention and whether others are susceptible to change. Ong sets out "to demonstrate how spirit attacks speak to the contemporary experiences of Malay women and their families as they make the transition from peasant society to industrial production (Preface xiii)." Spirits of Resistance and Capitalist Discipline is an integral part of any discussion of globalization due to its stress on the loss of autonomy within those effected directly by capitalism (i.e. neophyte factory women). It calls into question the basic assumptions of culture, beliefs, practices, and tradition. It forces the reader to evaluate the good of transnational corporations, and then to look at the negative effects caused by those same organizations. It pushes intellectual thought past conventional lines into an arena of intercultural sensitivity where readers can do nothing but empathize with those who must encounter spirits of resistance in the contemptuous face of capitalist discipline.

I have used Ong's book in a number of classes (I am an anthropologist). I use it as an example of the impact of globalization and industrialization on women. I like it because Ong specifically addresses this issue in the book: she gives an overview of the historical processes that have shaped Malaysia (i.e., industrialization didn't just happen in a vacuum: there were historical precedents), and she clearly outlines how industrialization has reshaped gender relations in rural Malaysian society.

However, her prose can be very difficult to wade through at times. Her theoretical approach is postmodernist, relying heavily on Foucault. There's a lot of jargon here, and undergraduates can be put off by that. In class, I have to help them with a bit of an overview of postmodernism and Foucault more specifically. For the general reader, a book like Postmodernism for Beginners (which uses comics to explain theory) might be useful!

I'd like to add that I disagree with Palanisamy Ramasamy's review: she writes that Ong argues that returning to the past (the "old tranquil kampung life") is the solution for women. I don't think that that is what Ong argues at all. I don't think she sees "traditional" kampung life as being all that positive a thing for women; but she also argues that industrialization ("modernity") -- while providing kampung women with some escape from rigid gender roles -- has produced a whole new set of problems for kampung women as they challenge those roles. My impression is that kampung women can be "stuck between a rock and a hard place" as Malaysia attempts to transition from what is basically a subsistence/horticultural society into an industrialized society (for better or worse).

However, I do think she's right to say that Ong's discussion of resistance is pretty thin: one wonders if women don't resist in other ways, and/or if they even consider spirit possession a form of resistance. There is no evidence presented that they do. Ong doesn't even seem sure of that. Thus, the book ends on an ambiguous note.

Aihwa Ong takes an anthropological perspective in defining the occurences of spirit posessions and mass hysteria among the female factory workers in malaysia. By illustrating the evolution of the malaysian economy from agrarian to industrial, disintegration of the traditional family norms and reifying the responsibility of kin, the stage is set to portray the culture shock. the author uses case studies to show the diverse changes that affect the family and the distribution of economic responsibility. further, the conflict between the factory operators and the control imposed on them by upper levels of management adds to the tension that these factory workers must cope with. as these women use religious responses instead of more pragmatic methods to confront the issues of corporate and social control that are enacted upon them, they maginify the cultural perceptions that women are the spiritually susceptible, therefore, enabling a break and a vent for the archived anger and frustration that this economic system has smelted. I found the book informative and a better resource for sociological studies than anthropological endeavors, easy to read, and a worthy text for an Anthropology 101 or Sociology 111 course.

Ong has come out with an interesting and well-researched piece on the subject of female resistance. But unfortunately, she only focusses on mass hysteria as the most commonly articulated resistance among young Malay women. But what about other forms of resistances such as overt and collective. What is the solution for women? Ong is under the impression that the old tranquil kampung life is the best remedy. Can these workers go back to the past? Is there a time-tunnel?