You wouldn't want to read this book if you wanted other than a superficial picture of the oil sands. The author is a left-leaning Canadian nationalist with a strong anti-American bias, has a definite political agenda, and is not averse to slanting the facts and statistics to support it. Even the title is misleading. Chemically speaking, TAR is a man-made substance, produced by destructive distillation of organic matter, but the "tar sands" actually contain BITUMEN, an extremely heavy grade of crude oil. (Since I have a degree in chemistry, I find the mislabeling annoying.) The difference between tar and bitumen is important, since an oil refinery would be unable to process tar, whereas it can handle bitumen by using more sophisticated refining processes.
Nikiforuk calls the oil sands "dirty oil", but this is misleading, since there is really no such thing as clean oil - it's all dirty to some degree. Crude oil is usually black, sticky, full of salt water and sand, contains varying amounts of sulfur, and is often contaminated with heavy metals. What you see when you buy a can of motor oil is a refined product, with all the contaminants removed. The author's claim that, "Each barrel of bitumen produces three times as much greenhouse gas as a barrel of conventional oil" is highly misleading. He's comparing it to Arab oil production circa 1960. Even the Arabs need to use more energy these days, and the difference between producing Alberta bitumen versus California Kern River heavy oil is in the range of 10 to 20 percent. More importantly, the vast majority of greenhouse gas emissions occur when you burn it in your car, not when it is produced.
Nikiforuk titles one of his chapters, "It Ain't Oil", but Canadians are turning it into oil in large quantities and American refineries are buying it because there's less and less light to medium oil available every year. U.S. oil production has been declining since 1973 and most of its suppliers are also in a state of decline. Even the Arabs are having to resort to their reserves of heavy, high sulfur, vanadium-contaminated oil to meet demand. There's not much of what the author calls "clean oil" left on this planet, and Canada is one of the few countries capable of increasing production, as the result of its vast oil sands.
The section on water use includes a misleading map implying all of the enormous Mackenzie River basin (about the size of the Mississippi) is involved in oil sands development, when only the Athabasca River and (to a lesser extent) the Peace River are. Comparing them to rivers running through Denver and Calgary is misleading since they are much, much bigger, have few industrial users, and there is little need for irrigation that far north. According to the current Alberta government web site data (automatically generated by remote equipment), while the Bow River through Calgary was running at 90 m3/sec, the Athabasca River was flowing at 760 m3/sec - over 8 times as much water. As for the South Platte River in Denver, "Treated wastewater effluent can account for as much as 100 percent of streamflow" - it all flows through people's toilets. In contrast, over 95% of the water in the Athabasca flows into the Arctic Ocean unused, even with oil sands development - it's one of the least used rivers in the world. By the way, Canada is a metric county and oil, gas and water are measured in cubic metres (note spelling), with conversion to U.S. units at the U.S. border, but the book converts everything to U.S. units with no sign of metric - and uses U.S. spelling as well. I'm not sure why. Perhaps it is to disguise the fact that the data doesn't match the original numbers very well.
The tailing ponds used to settle out fine silt from the mining operations are certainly an environmental concern, but are not much more toxic than the original oil sands. Nikiforuk talks about destruction of the "wetlands" of northern Canada, but the stuff is better known up north as muskeg - vast peat bogs which make building roads and cultivating farms difficult. It's one of the reasons that Canada has more land area than the U.S. but fewer people than California. The forest he describes as untouched has burned down repeatedly in massive forest fires once or twice per century, and last burned down in the 1960s, but it bounces back rapidly every time it is destroyed. It is true that the oil companies would have trouble restoring its natural bogginess after mining, but they intend to turn it into grazing land, bring in herds of buffalo, and put picnic tables on it. Since agriculture and tourism are more valuable industries than forestry, the Alberta government has approved this conversion. It's not exactly the mountaintop removal that the author compares it to.
Nikiforuk rails against the idea of disposing of carbon dioxide using carbon capture and sequestration (CCS), but the oil companies love it because injecting CO2 into a depleted oil field improves the oil recovery rate. The Weyburn, Saskatchewan project he mentions actually injects CO2 from a coal gasification plant in North Dakota, was funded by the U.S. Department of Energy, and is estimated to have doubled the oil recovery rate of the field. Similar, but much bigger CO2 injection projects exist in Texas, but they are injecting gas from CO2 fields in the area, not disposing of greenhouse gases.
The author condemns Alberta's low royalty rates as a corporate rip-off, but does not compare them to Saskatchewan and British Columbia, which are its immediate competitors for investment money - when Alberta raised its royalties recently, it caused a stampede of drilling rigs to those two other provinces. He also makes the ludicrous statement that the U.S. Gulf states don't have any taxes. Of course they have taxes, just not necessarily income taxes. Texas has a sales tax but no income tax (neither does Florida), Alberta has an income tax but no sales tax (neither does Montana or Oregon), but neither government can get by on oil revenues alone. However, having oil revenues certainly helps governments pay their expenses without raising taxes.
When he talks about politics, the authors leftist biases come to the fore. His characterization of Alberta as a "petrotyranny" is ridiculous because Alberta voters have elected the type of government they want - quite different from the type of government Nikiforuk would like them to have. The Alberta government could best be described as populist, rather than "neoconservative", as he would have it. Alberta voters are generally conservative, at least by Canadian standards, and prefer a combination of low taxes, high quality schools, and good roads, without a lot of government interference in business. Nikiforuk would like the people to have higher taxes, (particularly sales taxes, which Albertans traditionally hate), not to make any money from their vast natural resources, and to support a wide variety of socialist goals that they don't like. Albertans don't support these goals, hence his contention that they must have been misled because otherwise they would agree with him.
At the end of it all, the author comes up with a series of recommendations that would probably be disastrous for Canada and the U.S. The reality is that the world's conventional oil reserves are badly depleted, all the major oil fields are in rapid decline, and oil sands are the only game left in town. Despite what he says, its major oil suppliers (other than Canada and Saudi Arabia) are suffering declining production rates, and China is becoming a major competitor for imports. The U.S. is out of options, out of time, and out of money, so it has a choice between oil sands or nothing. Canada will probably take advantage of the global economic downturn to reduce the rate of development somewhat, but despite Nikiforuk's rhetoric, having some oil sands development is probably better for Canada and the U.S. than having none at all.