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The Death of Conservatism Hardcover – September 1, 2009


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Product Details

  • Hardcover: 144 pages
  • Publisher: Random House (September 1, 2009)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 1400068843
  • ISBN-13: 978-1400068845
  • Product Dimensions: 0.7 x 5.9 x 8.6 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 10.6 ounces
  • Average Customer Review: 3.1 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (25 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #419,429 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

The arguments are more surprising than the conclusions in this slender book that simultaneously celebrates and mourns the end of the harshly ideological strain of conservatism that reached full flower during the presidency of George W. Bush. Tracing the movement's intellectual history from Edmund Burke to Rush Limbaugh, Tanenhaus (Whitaker Chambers), editor of the New York Times Book Review, argues that the contemporary Right define[s] itself less by what it yearns to conserve than by what it longs to destroy—and that pragmatic Democrats like Bill Clinton and Barack Obama have usurped the Republicans' once winning focus on social stability. Tanenhaus argues that Republicans must moderate their focus on ideological purity if they are to return from the political wilderness and offers trenchant criticism of the liberal excesses that previously led to a long Democratic exile from the White House. Tanenhaus's positions are not entirely consistent, however; he aligns Nixon with George W. Bush and his destructively revanchist course before praising Nixon's prodigious gifts and sheer intellectual ability. But the author recognizes the need for two strong parties to compete in American politics, and his impeccably well-written book insightfully summarizes the highs and lows of American conservatism over the decades. (Sept.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Review


“Impeccably well-written book insightfully summarizes the highs and lows of American conservatism over the decades.”—Publishers Weekly


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Customer Reviews

This is a very flimsy book.
The Postliberal
As for the book itself it is highly readable but perhaps those who have read political philosophy and history in depth will likely find this overview unsubstantial.
Sam
In the hands of such a wild partisan, this type of writing becomes downright dangerous because you can't trust any of Tanenhaus's "facts".
bananas

Most Helpful Customer Reviews

96 of 128 people found the following review helpful By Scott Chamberlain VINE VOICE on September 2, 2009
Format: Hardcover
In reading The Death of Conservatism, I've become convinced that this slender little volume is going to have a huge impact on politics over the next few years--everyone is going to have something to say about it.

Distilled to its essence (hardly needed in that it is a very quick read), Tanenhaus' argument is that the two great pillars of American society are its political institutions and what Tanenhaus would call its patrimonial or traditional social institutions such as schools, churches, corporations, unions, etc. Although liberals and conservatives may disagree on which pillar is more important, the fact is BOTH are required for the county's stability. Tanenhaus goes on to argue that when the conservative movement was most dynamic and effective, it produced great intellectual figures such as Burke or Buckley who could articulate their positions and formulate policies that took into account both these foundational pillars, and pragmatic politicians such as Regan who could work with both their allies and enemies to put these ideas into place. He notes that that this cooperation between the "thinkers" and the "do-ers" wasn't a marriage of convenience, it was absolutely essential to moving the agenda forward...the intellectuals were keen on developing rationales that made sense to the broader public, which paved the way for the politicians to actually implement conservative policies. Tanenhaus goes on to strongly emphasize that the great conservative thinkers and politicians were above all practical, not blindly ideological--Buckley strongly denounced extremists such as the John Birch Society, and Regan made clear he was a fan of the New Deal.
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18 of 25 people found the following review helpful By J. Grattan VINE VOICE on October 2, 2009
Format: Hardcover Verified Purchase
This book is precipitated, first, by the loss of the last presidential election by the inglorious Republicans, or pseudo-conservatives, but also by the disappearance of any semblance of true conservatism from national politics. Two things about the book: regardless of the ridiculousness of this brand of Republicanism, their demise is greatly exaggerated; secondly, the entire concept of "conservatism" is beset by misrepresentations.

The author's admission that most of us are both liberal and conservative helps little. Gordon Wood in "The Radicalism of the American Revolution" made the essential point that the formation of the United States was a liberal undertaking. We rejected kowtowing to kings, priests, feudal lords, etc. We emphasized equal liberty for all (initially, white men) and created a political community based on the participation of the common man to greater or lesser extent. We accept that "We, the People" will decide what measures will be undertaken by our government. We don't automatically accept old thinking and old ways of doing things, usually reinforced by social elites. It is totally nonsensical to speak of anti-government sentiment in a democracy when it is actually our responsibility to participate in gov and address our issues and advance the cause of ourselves, if not mankind.

The author makes an invidious comparison between the French Revolution and its Declaration of the Rights of Man versus our supposedly conservative, practical founding. Of course, he has to acknowledge that our own Declaration of Independence speaks of the equality and rights of men. There is no doubt that the framers of the Constitution attempted to rein in democracy, which actually testifies to our democratic instincts. Applying political labels is almost impossible.
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15 of 21 people found the following review helpful By Steven Schwartz VINE VOICE on September 20, 2010
Format: Hardcover
My only complaint with this book is the misleading title. Indeed, I doubt Tanenhaus chose it, since he contradicts it in the text itself. Conservatism isn't dead, because we are almost all of us mixtures of liberal and conservative. Only ideologues are wholly one or the other.

Tanenhaus's argument is far more subtle than the triumph of liberalism (which, as a liberal, I vigorously deny). American politics - to the extent that it follows any ideology at all other than political pragmatism - is a constant dialogue between conservative and liberal, with a 5% dash of pure crazy thrown in. Tanenhaus is saying that one strain of conservatism is indeed dead - the neocon/Fox News kind. It's not dead in the sense that it hasn't followers, but it has no constructive ideas relevant to the problems at hand.

For example, the fiscal crisis of 2008-2009 was not ameliorated by the Friedman free market, but by massive (in my opinion, not nearly massive enough) bi-partisan government intervention to shore up the financial wreck. It was a such a great success, that neocons now argue that it wasn't necessary in the first place. Bull pockey. The effects still linger in the crushingly high unemployment rates and the weakness of both government and private sectors to do much to create jobs. The current crop of Congressional Republicans (and there really are no liberal Congressional Republicans) propose a solution of more tax cuts for the wealthy. Why on earth would this necessarily create jobs? We had the Bush Tax Cuts and we got ourselves in this mess precisely because the beneficiaries of those cuts didn't invest in their own businesses with an eye toward expansion. Instead, they downsized, even with the cuts. I don't fault the wealthy for wanting the cuts.
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