Touted - in places, as the most definitive study of the Zen Koan to date - in Western sources, I would hesitate to accord such status to this book, not least the idea that it has supplanted Zen Dust (Miura/Sasaki). While certainly interesting , this study is not quite the innovative venture promised in the cover blurb - and, of the eleven chapters in its pages, the final entry by Sogen Hori, a practicing Zen monk, left me with the most misgivings (I explain why, later in this review). It might be useful to list chapter headings, noting the focus of the contributors. The text opens with an Introduction by Stephen Heine and Dale S. Wright.
Chapter 1.The Form and Function of Koan Literature.
-T. Griffith Foulk.
Chapter 2. The Antecedents of Encounter Dialogue in
Chinese Chan Buddhism.
- John R. Macrae
Chapter 3. Mahakasyapa's Smile: Silent Transmission
and the Kung-an (Koan) tradition.
- Albert Welter.
Chapter 4. Kung-an Ch'an and the Tsung-men tung
yao chi.
- Ishii Shudo.
Chapter 5. Visions, Divisions, Revisions. The
Encounter between Iconoclasm and
Supernaturalism in Koan cases about
Mt. Wu-tai.
- Stephen Heine.
Chapter 6. "Before the Empty Aeon" versus
"A Dog has no Buddha-nature. "
Kung-an use in the Ts'ao-tung
tradition and Ta-hui's Kung-an
Introspection Ch'an.
- Morten Schlutter.
Chapter 7. Koan History: Transformative
Language in Chinese Buddhist
Thought.
- Dale. S. Wright.
Chapter 8. Ikkyu and Koans.
- Alexander Kabanoff
Chapter 9. Transmission of the Kirigami
(Secret Initiation Documents):
A Soto Practice in Medieval
Japan.
- Ishikawa Rikizan.
Chapter 10. Emerging from Non-duality.
Koan Practice in the Rinzai
Tradition since Hakuin.
- Michel Mohr.
Chapter 11. Koan and Kensho in the
Rinzai Zen Curriculum.
- G. Victor Sogen Hori.
As the title suggests (The Zen Koan: Texts and Contexts) the contributors to this study are, for the most part, working with the hypothesis that koans are 'textually' based entities, even if ultimately related to a supra-textual (i.e. experiential) context. Besides John MacRae's essay (Chapter 2) dealing with the Antecedents of the Encounter Dialogue in Ch'an Buddhism, we learn relatively little about the background to the Zen wen-ta/ mondo which provided the basis for kung-an/koan texts. We might note that for the early Zen Buddhists, it was axiomatic "not to speak too plainly " (pu shuo pu), their way being to teach in a purely spontaneous manner - direct pointing, without reference to fixed study programmes, texts. The content of such dialogues became the basis for the kung-an/koan. The Zen way of 'commenting' - 'capping' one phrase or remark - with another, gave us the so called Zen 'capping phrases' (jakugo). Both sound familiar enough, but we must recognise that in its original context, this did not mean working with fixed texts like the Hekiganroku (Chin. Pi Yen Lu) - or 'capping phrasebooks.' What we hear of Zen 'koan' today reflects later developments, the signal difference being that - unlike the records found in the Chuan Teng Lu, Tsu Tang Chi etc., reflecting an earlier, oral tradition, the Mu-mon Kan, Pi-yen Lu etc., had been conceived as 'literary' products from the start. No doubt, John MacRae would hasten to add that even the earliest records have been re-worked, which is probably true. Still, the material was derived from 'dialogues' - and didn't begin life as polished works of art.
Alas, the opening chapter by T. Griffith Foulk (Form and Function of Koan Literature)barely rises above a few generalisations. Isshi Shudo's essay (Chapter 4)amounts to a series of textual notes and cross references, set out to show that the 'Tsung-men T'ung Yao chi' (Jpn. Shumontoyoshu) had a formative influence upon more well known sources e.g., the Wu-men Kuan (Jpn. Mumonkan), Pi-yen Lu (Jpn. Hekiganroku). Isshi's essay opens with a rule-of-thumb distinction, identifying Tang Chan with 'intrinsic enlightenment' (pen-chueh) and Sung Chan with 'acquired enlightenment' (shih chueh). It must be said that - stated in such polarised terms, such distinctions would have meant little to Chinese Buddhists of the Tang/Sung (or Japanese masters such as Hakuin, for the matter). One of the 'straw men' of Japanese Buddhist scholasticism - this distinction has given rise to hopelessly dichotomised views - winning fresh notoriety in the hands of the 'Critical Buddhist' fraternity.' In practical terms, isolating such idioms makes about as much sense as trying to understand the 'Sho' and the 'Hen' of the Zen Go-I (Five Ranks) in isolation. Reliable sources show that Zen training necessarily involves both aspects(without 'pen-chueh' [inherent enlightenment]- there can be no 'shih-chueh' [experiential enlightenment], and vice versa. Given all the attention paid to 'language' in this book, viz. the koan, one might have expected more focus on the practical relevance of such idioms.
Albert Welter's essay (Chapter 3) was useful, noting the role of Yung-ming and Wu-yueh Ch'an, making better sense of the inter-face between scriptural Buddhism, orality - and the ultimately ineffable nature of totality. Morten Schlutter's essay (Chapter 6) focused on the tensions affecting Zen practice in the Sung - happily, playing down the 'polemical' tension between the Lin-chi and Ts'ao-tung schools, exploring the constructive interface between them.
Surprisingly, only one chapter in this book (Mohr's, Chapter 10) touched on what is arguably the most disputed question in contemporary Rinzai Zen practice - namely, the status of the Rinzai Zen 'Ken-ge,' 'capping phrases' (jakugo) and Hakuin's putative role in that regard. Mohr casts a sceptical eye on the matter. Mohr's essay promised to be engaging, with observations about Hakuin's classification of koan, Torei's views etc. Hakuin's comments were well worth assessing at length - but, Mohr's essay digresses into background issues just where one might have expected the focus on Hakuin to continue (the emergence of the Obaku school is mentioned, but only enough to act as disruptive interlude. The digressions on Gattegno's theory of education had but slender bearing on the Buddhist topics at hand). A propos Hakuin's interest in Taoist 'nai-kan' methods (which, after all, restored the Master's health), Mohr joins in the academic chorus, 'poo-pooing' Hakuin's mention of Hakuyushi - the Taoist figure he claimed to have met in Shirakawa. However, earnest Japanese Buddhist biographers such as Rikukawa Taiun, have confirmed Hakuin's account, related in the Yasenkanna. Twelve years ago, there was still a Dojo on the mountain road between Shirawkawa and Hiei-zan, full of memorabilia, bokuseki etc. relating to Hakuin's meeting with Hakuyushi. The incumbent was 96 years old, and certainly regarded Hakuin's meeting with Hakuyushi as genuine. (after all, the Dojo was full of artifacts, bokuseki etc. The incumbent has since passed on, the building no longer functions as a Dojo, but the reviewer saw these things for himself. Yasenkanna is not 'definitely fiction' - as Mohr asserts, and Hakuin did not confess that he made the story up - as Mohr claims. When Hakuin stated, in his postface to the Yasenkanna (1757) that he "had not set up (mokeru) the story (of Hakuyushi) for gifted people who had realised the truth in a single hammer blow" - he was not defining the story as an expedient fable, but qualifying the point that those who had made significant advances in Zen training could dispense with what he had to say about 'nai-kan' and Hakuyushi's teaching. As Mohr's essay otherwise makes clear, Hakuin retained an interest in such practices, and continued to teach them to his followers - if needed. (For the record, the Shisendo [Hall of Immortal Poets] in Shirakawa, formerly Ishikawa Jozan's home, is dedicated to Chinese poets. In the Tokugawa, the toshukan there was full of Chinese texts, including Taoist manuals, and there is nothing odd in the idea that Ishikawa Jishun [nom de plume, Hakuyushi] availed himself of its resources).
Closer attention could have been paid to the moot question of Hakuin's role in devising fixed 'koan systems' and attendant ken-ge etc. Mohr expresses caution over Hakuin's alleged contribution to the latter (i.e. fixed ken-ge), but in view of known sources such as the Keiso dokuzui (1756) and Keiso dokuzui shui (1759), it was a little bold for Mohr to assert (p.265) that "neither Hakuin's nor his direct disciples' works mention an explicit sequence of koans " for on the very same page (first para.), Mohr noted the sequential function of the 'hosshin' and 'nanto' koans, outlined by Hakuin in Sokkoroku kaien fusetsu (which simply reiterates Hakuin's position in the other works I have noted). Still, Mohr is right in the sense that Hakuin refers not so much to specific, individual koan, but rather, to complexes of koan which fulfil a certain function - vis-a-vis the maturation of Zen practice. Hence, if Mohr is saying that Hakuin wasn't a meticulous drudge who devised Zen ken-ge with a rigid bearing on a student's 'kyogai' or situational maturation of insight- well, I would have to agree. Hakuin wasn't that dull!
Ironically, the one chapter contributed by a practicing Rinzai Zen monk (Chapter 11, by Sogen Hori), struck me as the most problematic. That Hori describes Rinzai Zen training as a 'curriculum' - makes his position clear. It is worth noting that Master Rinzai knew nothing of a 'curriculum' - as Hori presents it. What kind of 'curriculum' is Rinzai's 'true man of no fixed position' (wu wei chen-jen)?
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