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"Even aside from day-to-day security risks, the reality of terrorism and its resulting mayhem has demonstrated the inability of government to provide adequate security against attacks on person and property. The lesson of September 11 is indisputable: government had not only failed to act as a guardian of security and protection but had actually been the primary agent in creating insecurity and exposure to risk, and, moreover, did not achieve secure justice once the crime had been committed.
"However, this was not the lesson that was drawn from the affair. Instead, the political elite successfully exploited public fears to vastly increase government spending, central credit inflation, bureaucratic management, citizen surveillance, regulation of transportation, and generally wage an all out attack on liberty and property.
"Meanwhile, US foreign policy pursued in the aftermath became more aggressively interventionist, violent, and threatening (the US refused even to rule out the employment of nuclear weapons against enemy regimes) than it had been before, thereby increasing the number of recruits into the ranks of people who are willing to use extreme violence as a means of retribution.
"In the same way that government intervention in times of peace can generate perverse consequences in markets that do not tend toward clearing, in times of war, military intervention can thus have the effect of harming the prospects for peace and security and bringing about a permanent state of violence and political control. Truly, the political affairs of our time cry out for a complete rethinking of the issues of defense and security and the respective roles of government, the market, and society in providing them."
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Hans-Hermann Hoppe in his book, Democracy: The God that Failed, took on several of these cows. He took on the ideas that the state is necessary for the production of defense, that democracy was a positive progression, that democracy and freedom go hand in hand, that democracy has no link to tyrannical systems like communism and fascism, and so on. He advocates in this book a system of natural order or anarcho-capitalism. In this system, fundamental private property law applies and the free market has assumed the production of goods that were produced almost exclusively by the state (education, roads, national defense, etc.).
Now Hoppe is back with plenty of assistance. The Myth of National Defense is an expansion of the ideas found inDemocracy:TGTF. The attention this time is primarily on defense. The questions "Does the state do its job of producing defense well?", "Will a free market defense alternative work?", "Would it be preferable to the state institutions?", "Is there any historic precedents?", "What are some of the potential problems involved?", "How can this system be implemented?", "What will keep such a system turning into a state?", "Could such a system adequately defend against states?", and others are raised and answered in this book. This does not mean that all angles are covered and this is the end of discussion. The idea of the free market providing defense is not new (this book is dedicated to precursor Gustave de Molinari 1819-1911), but you will be disappointed if you expect to find a large library of literature devoted to this subject.
Is this book for the casual reader? Not quite. Like Democracy: TGTF before it, The Myth of National Defense can only be fully understood by those who have a bit of economic knowledge under their belt. While this is a great book involving sound Austrian economic theory, it is not to be confused with good economic primers likeEconomics in One Lesson or Economics For Real People. Hopefully, we will see a book that covers the subject of the state and national defense in a way that is accessible to the layman.
One of my favorite essays in this book was Privateering and National Defense: Naval Warfare for Private Profit. Larry Sechrest shows how private enterprise being involved in national defense is not without precedent. In the War of 1812 and many wars prior, it was taken for granted that private ships specially licensed by their government to capture or (rarely) destroy the ships and cargo of the enemy existed. These privateers would capture merchant or military ships from enemy lands, take them to port, and (depending on the outcome of courts which examined whether ships captured were enemy vessels or not) sell the ship and cargo at auction. This practice was not always but often profitable for the ship shareholders and crew (who earned a percentage of the take). It also had the added bonus of being a successful form of defense. So successful that large nations with large navies feared smaller nations with privateers to the point of outlawing the practice via treaty. The whole essay is very enlightening to me. I had never heard of the practice even though 800 American privateer ships participated in the American Revolution!
This book is a great read and welcome continuation of the theories rendered in Democracy: TGTF. If you enjoyedDemocracy: TGTF, then The Myth of National Defense is a must read. Highly recommended.
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