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The Oil Curse: How Petroleum Wealth Shapes the Development of Nations [Hardcover]

Michael L. Ross
3.7 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (3 customer reviews)

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Book Description

February 13, 2012

Countries that are rich in petroleum have less democracy, less economic stability, and more frequent civil wars than countries without oil. What explains this oil curse? And can it be fixed? In this groundbreaking analysis, Michael L. Ross looks at how developing nations are shaped by their mineral wealth--and how they can turn oil from a curse into a blessing.

Ross traces the oil curse to the upheaval of the 1970s, when oil prices soared and governments across the developing world seized control of their countries' oil industries. Before nationalization, the oil-rich countries looked much like the rest of the world; today, they are 50 percent more likely to be ruled by autocrats--and twice as likely to descend into civil war--than countries without oil.

The Oil Curse shows why oil wealth typically creates less economic growth than it should; why it produces jobs for men but not women; and why it creates more problems in poor states than in rich ones. It also warns that the global thirst for petroleum is causing companies to drill in increasingly poor nations, which could further spread the oil curse.

This landmark book explains why good geology often leads to bad governance, and how this can be changed.


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Editorial Reviews

Review

Economists have mostly shied away from full costings of the ecological and social devastation of oil use. Were they to do so with thoroughness and authority displayed by Ross in The Oil Curse, they might start to develop the new economic model for oil and other extractive industries that is so desperately needed. (John Vidal Nature)

[P]articularly timely. . . . Ross has an easy style and his central points are made clearly. (Ed Crooks Financial Times)

[A]n excellent book . . . (Tyler Cowen Marginal Revolution)

The Oil Curse leads us into the hidden world of the oil business. It presents some surprising discoveries and provides important information in a very accessible way. It is the most up-to-date book on a timely and important topic. (Lisa Kaaki Arab News)

[S]tunning . . . (Johnny West Huffington Post UK)

Ross [is] to be applauded for advancing the conversation beyond reveling in the history of human extraction of resources to expressing sorrow for the negative impacts of mineral rushes, which most social science books in this genre tend to follow. . . . Cautionary narratives such as th[is] . . . are important for engineers and chemists to read to further hasten the search for solutions to resource scarcity dilemmas. (Saleem H. Ali Chemical & Engineering News)

Much has been written about the topic of how oil wealth hampers economic development as well as the building of institutions, but this book will help introduce a much wider audience to this issue. Ross has produced a comprehensive examination of the oil curse, analyzing data from 170 countries. . . . [T]his is a valuable and accessible study of an important topic. (Choice)

Michael Ross is an eminent political scientist, who distinguishes himself even further with this book. . . . Ross's book is readable, and provides substance and nuance to the basic underlying story that resource revenues are hard to manage. (Mark Henstridge Business Economist)

His study is nuanced, well documented and precise: he avoids the lure of statistical analysis where a huge database can lead to clichés and easy conclusions. Instead, his statistical analysis is always backed by qualitative comparative analysis. Ross successfully demonstrates what the 'oil curse' means, without falling into the trap of determinism. Instead, he offers alternatives. Oil exporting countries, and mainly oil exporters, should act upon them: with adequate policies, the oil curse can be reversed. (J.M. Global Journal)

The Oil Curse is a landmark book that brings together explanations about the impacts of oil on various key issues from authoritarianism to patriarchy, from conflict to development. It combines qualitative and quantitative methods in a truly interdisciplinary tour de force of political, economic, and social analyses. The book is an excellent source for policy makers as well as scholars of various disciplines, especially Middle East studies. (Ahmet T. Kuru Insight Turkey)

Ross' book is a useful and very clearly written corrective to sonic of the more ambitious claims about the influence of oil that can be found in the literature. This book is a good and accessible guide to the oil curse thesis. (Neil Robinson Political Studies Review)

From the Inside Flap

"The Oil Curse is the best and most thorough examination that we have of the causes and consequences of oil wealth for poorly governed states. Oil revenues are massive, opaque, and volatile; they destroy the relationship between a state and its own citizens. Ross substantiates some of the common assertions about oil wealth, finds that others are incorrect, and offers some surprising discoveries. Very worth reading."--Stephen D. Krasner, Stanford University

"This important book brings new and timely insight into a key global phenomenon. High oil prices have triggered oil strikes concentrated in the poorest countries--the bottom billion. Will this time be different? Will oil drive transformation or cause a repeat of the history of plunder? Ross presents new research in an accessible style. Read it: understanding is the foundation for change."--Paul Collier, author of The Bottom Billion

"This is a masterful book. It provides a balanced and thoughtful overview of the wide variety of issues surrounding the politics of oil while also breaking new ground in research. The Oil Curse is essential reading for scholars and those engaged in public debates. An important contribution."--Robert Bates, Harvard University

"This is the single most important book on the resource curse to date. The Oil Curse addresses a timely, policy-relevant issue in a way that nonacademics and academic specialists alike can appreciate. Ross is the preeminent voice on the subject."--Erik Wibbels, Duke University


Product Details

  • Hardcover: 312 pages
  • Publisher: Princeton University Press (February 13, 2012)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0691145458
  • ISBN-13: 978-0691145457
  • Product Dimensions: 6 x 1.3 x 9 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 1.2 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 3.7 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (3 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #123,859 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars Latest thinking on the resource curse March 30, 2013
Format:Hardcover
If you are interested in the effects of oil wealth, this is where you should start. Michael Ross is The Guy when it comes to the study of the resource curse. This book presents the conclusions of a decade of work refining the theory and approach to studying the effects of oil, addressing and anticipating challenges from within academia and outside it. Beside the fundamentals of what oil does and why, it contains what I think is the most interesting and surprising recent finding in the resource curse literature: that the political exclusion of women in the Middle East is due, not to Islam, but to the economic distortions that come with oil exportation. The book uses both case studies and statistical analysis, but like all of Ross's work, it is clearly and straightforwardly written, and therefore accessible to non-academics.
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7 of 11 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars The curse is worse.... May 8, 2012
Format:Hardcover|Amazon Verified Purchase
This book is an excellent study of why a huge oil field is not necessarily a blessing for a nation. Dr. Ross finds that oil tends to monopolize a nation's economy, squeezing out industry and other more progressive fields of enterprise. Oil countries are less transparent, less successful at long-term economic advancement, and very much less successful at bringing women into the workforce and the political arena. Even within the Muslim world, women do far better in non-oil countries than in oil-rich ones. Ross finds, however, that oil is not destiny; nations as diverse as Norway,Oman and Malaysia have managed oil wealth quite well, without all the bad effects. Also, in contrast to earlier work (including his own), he finds oil is not particularly deadly to democracy. The less affluent oil countries often have a good deal of conflict, but so do other resource-rich, weakly-governed countries.
So far so good, but the oil curse seems to me rather worse than Dr. Ross alleges. First, Dr. Ross does not consider environmental impacts in this book. That is a reasonable choice-he wants to focus on political economy in the strict sense--but it would seem to at least some observers that the worst effects of oil are the "externalities" that it passes on to impoverished local people, and to the world community, in the form of permanently ruined waters, forests, soils, and farmlands. Second, oil makes unnecessary any investment by the government in things like education and health care; the oil brings in plenty of money without those, and foreign workers generally come in to do the brainwork--often even the brawn-work. Third, Dr. Ross underplays the role of subsidies, and of the underhanded political games involved in capturing them, in world oil. Fourth, when Dr. Ross finds that democracy is not as much hurt by oil as some have argued, he is using a rather elastic definition of democracy; suffice it to say that Chavez' Venezuela qualifies. So do some other very shaky excuses for "democracy." Also, Dr. Ross does not deal with the really ugly political shenanigans of big oil. These include outright murder on a huge scale in Nigeria, where oil companies have hired goon squads to terrorize and eliminate local protesters. Less dramatic, but still serious, are the conditions in the United States under Bush and Cheney and in Canada under Stephen Harper. These oilmen ran, or run, their governments more or less as subsidiaries of their oil interets. One of many unpleasant results in the United States was the frontal attack on civil liberties and constitutional freedoms seen in the Patriot Act, the censorship of science (all references to possible bad effects of oil were censored from government publications and statements), attacks on public education and educators, and so on. Since the Bush days, big oil--especially the David and Charles Koch interests--have funded extreme right-wing politics, incliuding the Tea Party, and have provided essentially all the funding for the denial of global warming (or climate change) and of any human role in any warming that can be proved. They have gone on to fund general attacks on science and on environmental protection. We are facing the uncomfortable spectacle of a tiny handful of powerful people seizing the debates from the entire scientific community.
However, oil may not be notably worse than other resources; Dr. Ross cites Adam Smith on the bad effects of silver and gold mines, and discusses "conflict diamonds," but he might have also brought in the problems caused by mining in general, by large-scale export agriculture, and by other extractive industries. Oil is not unique. I think one reason that Dr. Ross does not find more bad effects for oil is that much of his comparison set is trapped by other, equally dismal forms of primary-product export.
Dr. Ross has a number of suggestions at the end of the book about increasing transparency and improving economic management, but one must fear that only mass political mobilization and relentless exposure of the full range of oil company activities will have much effect.
All this said, Dr. Ross' book is a superb job of marshalling very hard-to-find facts in particularly convincing and analytically sophisticated ways. It is a fascinating and important book, and must be basic reading for anyone interested in world oil questions. I raise the above points not to criticize but merely to add and extend the treatment a bit.
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17 of 30 people found the following review helpful
1.0 out of 5 stars self-serving and dishonest August 6, 2012
Format:Hardcover|Amazon Verified Purchase
I am unwilling to give the specifics in an Amazon review, but I can tell you this: I work in this industry. I know well the issues the author speaks of: I have been elbows deep in oil and the Middle East for over a decade. Had I the time, I probably could have written this book myself, although I admit Ross had some data I was unaware of.

I have three big beefs with this book -- I say three, but the first two are ultimately the third. I'll explain in a bit.

And yes, Ross, if you're listening, I'm calling you out on it. I got your number.

My first objection is that Ross intends something by the phrase "oil curse" that is sharply different from what the rest of us in the industry -- at least the people I work with -- mean by "oil curse." Or at least it's only partially what we mean.

To wit, Ross uses the phrase "oil curse" to mean something that analysts in the field usually term "Dutch disease:" basically, the phenomenon whereby the easy money to be gotten from oil exports tends to crowd out growth in other areas, particularly manufacturing. (Look it up on Wikipedia.) This is what Ross means by the term "oil curse," nothing further. Of course, he is well aware that his definition only partially covers what other people mean by it, but he has a reason for circumscribing his investigations. Read on.

What I -- and others I work with -- mean by "oil curse" encompasses the industrial aspect, but to a large degree is also cultural. The idea is that when you are able to set up a society with free health care, free education, free roads, etc. and all without taxes, you begin to see unpleasant effects on the character and work ethic of your people. People stop being so civic-minded, for one, since there's a "largesse" ethos to public life whereby people figure "we get what they give us" and it becomes taboo to complain.

In other words, since EVERYTHING is a gift from above, people are unwilling to criticize or do much to change their society (e.g., volunteer work, civic groups, etc.). This can be contrasted to life in a place where there's high taxes: since people are PAYING for all these benefits and know it, they're much quicker to complain about a problem or work to do something about it. The net result is that life ends up being much better in societies where you've got taxes: streets are cleaner, governments more efficient, schools more accountable, etc.

But, but, but. That's not the main part of it. The real part of the "oil curse" is that your people eventually become like helpless infants, unable to come to work on time, do a full day's work, take education seriously, strive to improve themselves, bring their work home with them, or avoid taking shortcuts on the job. There are exceptions, of course, but in the main, oil corrodes the work ethic of your people, because prosperity becomes unyoked with hard work and education.

Ross doesn't go anywhere near this hot-button issue.

My second beef with this book is that Ross doesn't bring religion into this book at all, declaring sweepingly -- without even an argument -- that it's irrelevant.

Here's a quote from early in the book that'll give you a taste of his reasoning: "These countries suffer from authoritiarian rule, violent conflict, and economic disarray because they produce oil..." Uh, you can't think of any other reason, Ross? Are all relevant variables being held constant?

On p. 2 (!), you can find an intelligent-sounding way of saying "duhhh": "Not all states with oil are susceptible to the curse. Countries like Norway, Canada, and Great Britain, which have high incomes, diversified economies, and strong democratic institutions, have extracted lots of oil and had few ill effects." It's like the guy's got blinders on!

One of Ross's big points is that "Dutch disease" really doesn't constrict economic expansion in other areas as much as developmental economists (and he previously) have asserted. Here's a paraphrase of his proof: "Norway exports oil. Saudi Arabia exports oil. Saudi Arabia's economy lacks diversification; Norway's doesn't. Hence it can't be the oil that's preventing diversification. It must be governmental policies" That's the structure of his argument. Seriously.

Once, in Kuwait, I was at a university to give a presentation. In one of the back rooms I came across an Indian janitor sharpening a giant mountain of pencils. Who were the pencils for? Why, master's degree candidates! Candidates who were about to sit for some sort of examination yet found it beneath their dignity to sharpen their own pencils. So that had to be done for them, not to mention providing the pencils in the first place. At a gym in Dubai once, my wife was treated to the spectacle of an enormous Emirati woman lifting weights, weights that had to be brought to her from their stands by her Indonesian footmaid, since she couldn't be bothered to go fetch the weights off the stands herself. And in Saudi Arabia, until very recently, McDonald's wouldn't open for breakfast. Why not? Couldn't their food engineers concoct convincing substitutes for McDonald's pork-heavy and therefore haram breakfast menus? Sure they could; that wasn't the problem. The problem was that not enough of the population was getting up before 10 a.m. to make it financially worthwhile for their stores to open before then.

THAT is the other part of the curse of oil. It's something that happens to your people.

Sure, there's an investment/interest-rate element to it, and for that angle, Ross's book is welcome. There are not enough books like this, especially ones that don't scrimp on data. But the problem is much deeper than the relationship between the oil and gas industry and others.

Hence we come to my third gripe about this book, which explains why Ross is doing what he's doing in gripes #1 and #2.

This book is nothing more than a big ad!

An ad?! For what?

Why, for Ross himself!

You see, if we aren't going to talk about culture or religion, and if the "oil curse" is ONLY restricted to manufacturing, then there's hope that by adopting the right policies certain petrogovernments will be able to avoid or minimize their oil curse.

Yup. By pretending (he well knows otherwise) that the oil curse does not have cultural or religious facets, Ross can thereby offer himself as a possible HIGHLY-PAID consultant for certain countries, such as the petrodollar states of the Gulf.

And this, I say, was the real purpose behind this book. To assure such governments -- who are always on the lookout for speakers, analysts, and consultants -- that, hey!, not only do I believe their problems are fixable because they're entirely a matter of governmental economic policies (which I'm here to teach you), but rest assured that I won't come to your country and start making statements about how the oil has brought on much deeper problems in your culture than can be fixed with a swift governmental edict.

In conclusion, I accuse the author of writing a book that essentially adds nothing new to the debate and simply presents the kind of findings that, while seeming harsh, are really what such governments would like to hear.

. . . all the better to get himself hired with. Currently Ross is a professor of Political Science at UCLA, but he is aiming for higher things with this book.

In all, not a bad strategy. Heck, if he can pull it off, there's millions to be made. They're always looking for a guru.

But you haven't pulled the wool over my eyes, Mikey.

UPDATE:

As I wade deeper into this dreck, I can think of a couple more beefs with it:

#4: Ross is far too credulous of the statistics that come from this part of the world. It's not the West: nothing happens when they fake statistics.

#5: Like virtually all economists, Ross gives short shrift to things he cannot quantify. His arguments revolve 100% around things he can quantify, because if you can quantify them, you can do math with them and make pretty graphs. Other elements might remain impossible to quanitfy, yet decide the game. Numbers don't capture everything. Economists like Ross typically admit this, and then proceed with their conclusions as if their numbers have captured everything.

#6: I would also accuse Ross of proceeding in an unscientific way. He starts off from politically correct assumptions and never calls them into question. There are certain things he's not allowed to assume, to analyze, or to conclude. Hence we must be looking for something else. Let's see if we can find it, shall we? Norway has oil yet a great deal of freedom and good government? Hmmmmmm. What could it be? What could it be? Guess I can't blame Ross, though. He would swiftly be sacked from his job if he did venture into that territory.
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