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1 of 2 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
A Book Worth Reading And Rereading, May 13, 2004
This review is from: Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (Paperback)
"Theodore Roosevelt And The Rise Of America To World Power" consists of a series of essays covering major developments, policies and actions through which the Roosevelt Administration guided America into the realm of world power. I had read this book previously and reread it in order to increase my understanding of Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy. It is definitely worth a second read. The first two essays cover Roosevelt's role in the rise of American Imperialism and America's rise to world power. Later essays deal with the cementing of the Anglo-American alliance, China, the Far East and Europe. The two underlining themes of this book are Roosevelt's assertion of the Monroe Doctrine in the Americas and his search for balances of power elsewhere in the world. His defense of the Monroe Doctrine is manifest in the resolution of the Venezuelan Dispute of 1902 during which TR prepared to go to war with Germany in order to prevent it from establishing a foothold in South America. An early major step in TR's foreign policy the establishment an alliance with Britain. This move was a natural, as many in America's ruling class, not including TR, were Anglophiles. TR recognized that common language and interests cemented Anglo-American relations. An alliance with Britain was essential to the establishment of a balance to the power of a rising Germany. TR's restraint during the Boer War, despite his sympathy for the underdogs, was repaid in Britain's cooperation in the Venezuelan Crisis and its face saving, but ineffective, support of Canada during the Alaskan Boundary dispute of 1901-3. The main American interest in China was the maintenance of the Open Door policy, which could have been closed had any one nation attained the upper hand in China. Despite his belief in white supremacy, it was Roosevelt's America which used a portion of the Boxer reparations for the benefit of China. In his effort to establish a balance of power in the region, TR supported China in its struggles against Russia over Manchuria. In the Far East, in addition to China, TR's main interest was the negotiation of the peace treaty ending the Russo-Japanese War, an accomplishment which won him the Nobel Peace Prize. Even more than a general desire for peace, TR was motivated by the desire to establish a balance of power in the region. He recognized and respected Japan, an ally of Britain, and actively supported them in the early stages of the war. He recognized Russia as the greater threat to the U. S. and was pleased to see its thrust into Asia blunted. His intervention with both the Japanese and Czar Nicholas was instrumental in preventing a breakdown in the Portsmouth Peace Conference, an action which saved Japan from bankruptcy and Russia from further military disaster. After the war, TR acted, through the cruise of the Great White Fleet, to impress upon an emboldened Japan the folly of taking on the United States as it had Russia. Perhaps TR's most assertive foreign policy initiatives involved his role in the Algerciras Conference on Morocco in 1905. Ignoring the Monroe Doctrine's provision that America would stay out of European affairs, TR became an active intermediary in a dispute in which America's only direct interest was to keep Morocco open to American trade. America's most vital interest was to keep Germany from obtaining excessive dominance in Europe which would enable it to attempt an expansion into Latin America, particularly into areas with large German populations. An assessment of TR's management of America's rise would have to conclude that he was generally successful in his initiatives. Germany was kept out of Venezuela and power in Morocco remained divided. Japan achieved its sphere of influence in Korea, and the Open Door remained open. It is true that TR did not vanquish America's rivals, but he did maintain the peace and enhanced America's position during his reign. World War I did not erupt until 5 years after he left office and neither did Japan attack America not Russia become a major rival until another Roosevelt Administration over 30 years after TR left the White House. I found Professor Beale's work to be the best study of TR's foreign policy which I have found and, as my Amazon reviews indicate, I have read quite a bit about him. I recommend it for any serious student of TR or the history of American foreign policy.
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1 of 2 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
A Book Worth Reading And Rereading, May 12, 2004
This review is from: Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (Paperback)
"Theodore Roosevelt And The Rise Of America To World Power" consists of a series of essays covering major developments, policies and actions through which the Roosevelt Administration guided America into the realm of world power. I had read this book previously and reread it in order to increase my understanding of Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy. It is definitely worth a second read. The first two essays cover Roosevelt's role in the rise of American Imperialism and America's rise to world power. Later essays deal with the cementing of the Anglo-American alliance, China, the Far East and Europe. The two underlining themes of this book are Roosevelt's assertion of the Monroe Doctrine in the Americas and his search for balances of power elsewhere in the world. His defense of the Monroe Doctrine is manifest in the resolution of the Venezuelan Dispute of 1902 during which TR prepared to go to war with Germany in order to prevent it from establishing a foothold in South America. An early major step in TR's foreign policy the establishment an alliance with Britain. This move was a natural, as many in America's ruling class, not including TR, were Anglophiles. TR recognized that common language and interests cemented Anglo-American relations. An alliance with Britain was essential to the establishment of a balance to the power of a rising Germany. TR's restraint during the Boer War, despite his sympathy for the underdogs, was repaid in Britain's cooperation in the Venezuelan Crisis and its face saving, but ineffective, support of Canada during the Alaskan Boundary dispute of 1901-3. The main American interest in China was the maintenance of the Open Door policy, which could have been closed had any one nation attained the upper hand in China. Despite his belief in white supremacy, it was Roosevelt's America which used a portion of the Boxer reparations for the benefit of China. In his effort to establish a balance of power in the region, TR supported China in its struggles against Russia over Manchuria. In the Far East, in addition to China, TR's main interest was the negotiation of the peace treaty ending the Russo-Japanese War, an accomplishment which won him the Nobel Peace Prize. Even more than a general desire for peace, TR was motivated by the desire to establish a balance of power in the region. He recognized and respected Japan, an ally of Britain, and actively supported them in the early stages of the war. He recognized Russia as the greater threat to the U. S. and was pleased to see its thrust into Asia blunted. His intervention with both the Japanese and Czar Nicholas was instrumental in preventing a breakdown in the Portsmouth Peace Conference, an action which saved Japan from bankruptcy and Russia from further military disaster. After the war, TR acted, through the cruise of the Great White Fleet, to impress upon an emboldened Japan the folly of taking on the United States as it had Russia. Perhaps TR's most assertive foreign policy initiatives involved his role in the Algerciras Conference on Morocco in 1905. Ignoring the Monroe Doctrine's provision that America would stay out of European affairs, TR became an active intermediary in a dispute in which America's only direct interest was to keep Morocco open to American trade. America's most vital interest was to keep Germany from obtaining excessive dominance in Europe which would enable it to attempt an expansion into Latin America, particularly into areas with large German populations. An assessment of TR's management of America's rise would have to conclude that he was generally successful in his initiatives. Germany was kept out of Venezuela and power in Morocco remained divided. Japan achieved its sphere of influence in Korea, and the Open Door remained open. It is true that TR did not vanquish America's rivals, but he did maintain the peace and enhanced America's position during his reign. World War I did not erupt until 5 years after he left office and neither did Japan attack America not Russia become a major rival until another Roosevelt Administration over 30 years after TR left the White House. I found Professor Beale's work to be the best study of TR's foreign policy which I have found and, as my Amazon reviews indicate, I have read quite a bit about him. I recommend it for any serious student of TR or the history of American foreign policy.
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0 of 1 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
America at a crossroads., April 27, 2007
Howard K. Beale in his book, "Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power," (1957) gives a good insight into American foreign policy at the turn of the century and the role played by Theodore Roosevelt in the formulation of this policy. The author covers Roosevelt's feelings for various nations, his "personal diplomacy," and his insight into foreign affairs. The book is valuable for understanding Theodore Roosevelt and an era in American history. It is also valuable for the light it throws on the present.
The author is to be credited with a product based on considerable examination into Theodore Roosevelt' s papers, his associates, and official correspondence of the state Department. A firm foundation is thus presented for the author's conclusions.
IIoward Beale brings an experienced hand for writing such a book. He taught at the University of North Carolina, he was Fulbright professor in "Munich, and was professor of American history at the University of Wisconsin until his death in 1959. Other books he has written include: "The Critical Years: A Study of Andrew Johnson and reconstruction" and "Are American Teachers Free."
Beale includes a great deal of reference, but the book is written well. His organization is clear to follow. The story unfolds with a minimum of discontinuity. Background material and significances are a strong factor which increase the readers understanding. For example, when discussing the Venezuelan boundary dispute in the late nineteenth century, Beale states: "The sharpness of the Venezuelan crisis of the `90's and the quick recovery of mutual respect illustrate, however, the fundamental soundness of the "Anglo-American friendship that was developing."
The book is rich in quotes, and includes many details. Roosevelt' s views are well integrated and supported. An example of how the author covers background well, is given in his discussion on Morocco. This leads, the author says, "... to an understanding of the Algeciras Conference and Roosevelt's relation to it."
The third chapter (Roosevelt and the cementing of an Anglo-.American entent) is particularly well done. It shows that Theodore Roosevelt strongly aided improved Anglo-American relations and that he had strong feelings on the subject. "To understand Roosevelt's views on foreign policy it is essential to comprehend this belief of his in the oneness of the American and British interest and his conviction that in combination the Americans and the British could dominate the world - to the advantage of civilization." Britain was isolated on the continent and facing a serious war with the Boers in South Africa. Through Theodore Roosevelt however, Britain found a friend in the United States.
Theodore Roosevelt's approach to diplomacy is not only well presented, but interesting. The author states of Roosevelt that "He liked directness even in diplomacy. Protocol irked him." Roosevelt was responsible for changing the home of the president from the "Executive Mansion" to the "White House." The simpleness [sic] of the latter appealed to him. A further insight is Roosevelt's demand not to be called "Excellency." "Let them call me `The President,' or `Mr. President,' or `Sir,' but not a title to which I have no right (and one, incidentally, given to ever third rate German potentate or bureaucrat)."
Theodore Roosevelt's character today would be enough to cause admiration, but looking back (through such works as Howard Beale's) we can have admiration and respect. Theodore Roosevelt could only be part of an era.
Beale's purpose is to answer questions of history which might explain why the world was led to the present as it was. To do this the author focuses on Roosevelt: "The lectures are Roosevelt centered. No attempt has been made to narrate the history of foreign relations during his time except where he wss vitally concerned." The question then arises what role did Roosevelt play in the course of history? Beale holds Roosevelt responsible for subsequent disasters in world affairs by attributing vast power to Theodore Roosevelt. The ultimate question then seems to be whether things would he any better had Roosevelt taken slightly different action. No one can tell.
The author does not answer all the questions he presents, nor does he claim to have answered them all. But at least he has succeeded in coming nearer to finding answers. In doing this the author has achieved his purpose.
[Presented as originally written while a student at George Washington University. Diplomatic History 182, March 9, 1965. My grade was "C+"]
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