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A Time to Speak: Selected Writings and Arguments (American Ideals & Institutions) [Hardcover]

Hon. Robert H. Bork (Author)
5.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (6 customer reviews)

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Book Description

1933859687 978-1933859682 November 15, 2008 1st Edition
Since at least 1971, when he published a seminal article on constitutional interpretation in the Indiana Law Journal, Robert Bork has been the legal and moral conscience of America, reminding us of our founding principles and their cultural foundation. The scourge of liberal ideologues both before and after Ronald Reagan nominated him for the Supreme Court in 1987, Bork has for fifty years unwaveringly exposed—and explained—the hypocrisy and dereliction of duty endemic among our nation’s elites, the politicization and adversary activism of our courts, and the consequent degradation of American society.

Now, for the first time, Judge Bork has gathered together his most important and prophetic writings in A Time to Speak, including a foreword and commentary by the author. The volume includes more than sixty vintage Bork contributions on topics ranging from President Nixon to St. Thomas More, from abortion to antitrust policy, and from civil liberties to natural law. It also includes several of his judicial opinions and transcribed oral arguments. A Time to Speak is an indispensable book for all who have harkened to the truths spoken so forthrightly, in season and out, by this great American original.

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Editorial Reviews

About the Author

Robert H. Bork is the author of two New York Times best-sellers, Slouching Towards Gomorrah: Modern Liberalism and American Decline and The Tempting of America: The Political Seduction of the Law, and several other books, including Coercing Virtue: The Worldwide Rule of Judges. A Distinguished Fellow of the Hudson Institute in Washington, D.C., and the Tad and Diane Taube Distinguished Visiting Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Bork served as the United States Solicitor General from 1973 to 1977 and as Circuit Judge of the U. S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit from 1982 to 1988.

Product Details

  • Hardcover: 750 pages
  • Publisher: Intercollegiate Studies Institute; 1st Edition edition (November 15, 2008)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 1933859687
  • ISBN-13: 978-1933859682
  • Product Dimensions: 9 x 6.1 x 2.4 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 2.5 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 5.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (6 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #446,001 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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37 of 37 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars Coerced into Virtue, January 5, 2009
This review is from: A Time to Speak: Selected Writings and Arguments (American Ideals & Institutions) (Hardcover)
This hefty tome (715 pages) brings together essays and legal opinions written by Bork over a period of 45 years. It will undoubtedly help to seal Bork's standing as one of our era's foremost commentators on law and culture--particularly the struggle to preserve Western culture against its postmodern detractors.

Bork identifies one of the foundations of the postmodern attack as the uneasy alliance of individualism and egalitarianism. As he writes in his essay "Hard Truths About the Culture War" (1995):

"Individualism and egalitarianism may seem an odd pair, since liberty in any degree produces inequality, while equality of outcomes requires coercion that destroys liberty. If they are to operate simultaneously ... [they] must operate in different areas of life, and that is precisely what we see in today's culture. Radical egalitarianism advances, on the one hand, in areas of life and society where superior achievement is possible and would be rewarded but for coerced equality: quotas, affirmative action, income redistribution through progressive taxation for some, entitlement programs for others, and the tyranny of political correctness spreading through universities, primary and secondary schools, government, and even the private sector.

Radical individualism, on the other hand, is demanded when there is no danger that achievement will produce inequality and people wish to be unhindered in the pursuit of pleasure. This finds expression particularly in the areas of sexuality and violence, and their vicarious enjoyment in popular entertainment."

The union of radical individualism and radical egalitarianism have succeeded handsomely, says Bork, in eroding the foundations of our society. Authority is absent where it should be present, and vice-versa. This produces "cultural and moral relativism, whose end products include multiculturalism, sexual license, obscenity in the popular arts, an unwillingness to punish crime adequately and, sometimes, even to convict the obviously guilty."

And thus we arrive at the paradox that is all too familiar in the contemporary Western world: Those who complain about "oppressive" "right-wing" "fascism" (i.e., ordinary law enforcement) are those most in love with the power of the state. This is because the radical egalitarian project, so at odds with a free society, depends for its success on the deployment of the full coercive force of the state. Bork summarizes beautifully this road to totalitarianism:

"Modern liberalism presses our politics to the left because egalitarianism is hostile to the authorities and hierarchies--moral, religious, social, economic, and intellectual--that are characteristic of a bourgeois or traditional culture and a capitalist economy. Yet modern liberalism is not hostile to hierarchies as such. Egalitarianism requires hierarchy because equality of condition cannot be achieved or approximated without coercion. The coercers will be bureaucrats and politicians who will, and already do, form a new elite class. Political and governmental authority replace the authorities of family, church, profession, and business. The project is to sap the strength of these latter institutions so that individuals stand bare before the state, which, liberals assume with considerable justification, they will administer. We will be coerced into virtue, as modern liberals define virtue: a ruthlessly egalitarian society."

Bork then probes the nature and roots of these authoritarian administrators who would refashion society according to their notions of virtue. He notes that Joseph Schumpeter "first articulated the idea that capitalism requires and hence produces a large intellectual class." The members of this New Class are not geniuses or scholars, they are simply those who transmit ideas: run-of-the-mill journalists, academics, teachers, lawyers, and bureaucrats. They became jealous because society traditionally bestowed its rewards and prestige on the doers, those who built the world: inventers, entrepreneurs, military heroes, and the like.

Matters are made worse because the New Class are petty intellectuals in search of something to think about. Bork cites Max Weber in this regard:

"Max Weber noted the predicament of intellectuals in a world from which 'ultimate and sublime values' have been withdrawn: 'The salvation sought by an intellectual is always based on inner need...The intellectual seeks in various ways, the casuistry of which extends to infinity, to endow his life with a pervasive meaning.' ... Richard Grenier observes that among those intellectuals 'most subject to longings for meaning, Max Weber listed, prophetically: university professors, clergymen, government officials... coupon clippers ... journalists, school teachers, wandering poets'."

Bork illuminates an even deeper level of the crisis:

"The root of egalitarianism lies in envy and insecurity, which are in turn products of self-pity, arguably the most pervasive and powerful emotion known to mankind. The root of individualism lies in self-interest, not always expressed as a desire for money but also for power, celebrity, pleasures, and titillations of all varieties. Western civilization, of course, has been uniquely individualistic. Envy and self-interest often have socially beneficial results, but when fully unleashed, freed of constraints, their consequences are rot, decadence, and statism."

What I have summarized here is just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to Robert Bork's analysis of law, culture, and the central dilemmas of our time. His writing is witty and insightful; deep but never divorced from reality. There could not be a better antidote to the raging winds of nihilism that batter us from all sides.
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25 of 27 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars Time for You to read "A Time to Speak", November 29, 2008
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This review is from: A Time to Speak: Selected Writings and Arguments (American Ideals & Institutions) (Hardcover)
In "A Time to Speak" Judge Bork includes some of his most insightful, controversial and original articles, decisions, arguments and essays that span over half a century as a public intellectual. From his writings that revolutionized thinking about antitrust law to his defense of original intent against political judging, this book is a treat for those who have long admired or are just discovering Judge Bork. Perhaps we would all be better off if you bought a copy for yourself and sent four more to Justices Ginsburg, Breyer, Souter and Stevens.
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18 of 19 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars Highly enjoyable and intellectually stimulating, January 4, 2009
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J. Davis (San Diego, CA United States) - See all my reviews
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This review is from: A Time to Speak: Selected Writings and Arguments (American Ideals & Institutions) (Hardcover)
A Time to Speak is a terrific book. Anyone interested in constitutional law should immediately pick this up. Judge Bork engages in profound, fascinating discussions with other brilliant legal minds on natural law, the meaning of Constitutional provisions and amendments, the independent counsel act, antitrust law, and other very important issues. I should point out that the five stars I have given A Time to Speak does not mean I agree with Bork on every issue; I disagree with him on gay marriage and the minimum wage, for example. But I do strongly agree with his main argument: that the Constitution should be interpreted according to the original intentions of the people who wrote it. He opposes the doctrine of "the living Constitution," which changes according to the whims of judges. His main complaint is that since the early 1900s, the Supreme Court has invented rights that do not exist in the Constitution, starting with Lochner in the early 1900s up until the present time. He is--too put it mildly--not much of a fan of Roe v.Wade.

I respect Judge Bork's intellectual honesty even more after reading this book. He often reprimands fellow conservatives for judicial overreaching, and has the independence of mind to break with other conservatives' knee-jerk opposition to antitrust lawsuits. A Time to Speak is an indispensable book, not just for lawyers but for anyone who wants to better understand Constitutional law.
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