4 of 4 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
Best historical overview of 1953 coup available, December 14, 2004
This review is from: U.S. Foreign Policy and the Shah: Building a Client State in Iran (Hardcover)
Mark Gasiorowski is a scholar of modern Iranian history who is widely regarded -- accurately, in all likelihood -- as the foremost expert on the US/UK coup ousting Iranian Prime Minister Mossadeq and the National Front from power and installing the Shah as dictator. (Of course the Shah's control over the Iranian state was tenuous at first, but he consolidated his power over the years while receiving Western support.) Gasiorowski is best known for his groundbreaking article "The 1953 Coup in Iran," and this book is filled with useful, supplemental information, based largely on interviews he conducted with former CIA agents involved with the coup or who had experience in Iran prior to the Islamic Revolution.
Gasiorowski's approach is critical, though in my view, not nearly critical enough. One is left with the distinct impression that the relationships he has formed over the years with former CIA agents have tainted his scholarly objectivity; he wants to be critical, but limits himself to arguments that endorse a hands-off approach to American interventionism as the more pragmatic way to pursue the goals of elite policymakers. Gasiorowski views client states as a legitimate feature of the international system and suggests that cliency can actually encourage democracy (citing W. Germany as an example). This seems to ignore the fact that in a cliency relationship, the policies and form of government in client-state B depends heavily on the whims of policymakers in patron-state A. If policymakers in patron state A perceive it to be in their self-interest to promote a military regime, they will promote a military regime; if, on the other hand, they believe the stabilizing features of a multiparty legislature outweigh the threats posed by policies that contradict their economic and strategic interests, they will support a multiparty legislature. The cliency relationship is fundamentally undemocratic.
Also troubling is the dismissive and misleading critique of left-wing critics who emphasize the importance of economic incentives behind the 1953 coup. To be sure, there are many people on the left (e.g., William Blum) who ingore the strategic thinking of Cold War policymakers, but anyone with a familiarity with the declassified history must acknowledge the important role of support for private enterprise in shaping American foreign policy. Support for American corporations is casually listed as a foreign policy goal alongside containment of Soviet influence. In fact, the position of American policymakers towards Iran largely reflected the position of American oil executives: at first they pressed the British to accept a fifty-fifty resolution to the oil crisis, and then sought to undermine Mossadeq politically after he nationalized Iranian oil. Gasiorowski insists that American policymakers were exclusively interested in fighting Soviet influence. From what I can tell, this view comes largely from his interviews with people who were responsible for implementing policy on the ground, rather than the people in charge of creating that policy -- all of whom have a vested interest in framing their actions in terms of ideological opposition to the Soviet Union, rather than crass self-interest, anyway.
Nevertheless, Gasiorowski's book is thorough, easy to read, well-organized, and includes important information based on original research. It deserves four stars.
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