This controversial book describes how the New Elite-a self-selected class whose members believe they know what's good for the rest of us-has been systematically attacking our tradition of majority rule. The capture of our political parties by extremists, campaigns based on anger rather than issues, laws created by unelected judges, congressmen immune from defeat, and an alienated and ignored electorate-all these represent a calculated effort of a new class to replace the public will with its own. Who are the New Elite? They are, Lebedoff asserts, the self-proclaimed "smartest people in the land," a test-score "meritocracy" that believes that the consent of the governed has been made obsolete by the SAT. If presidential hopefuls such as Howard Dean appear to represent this new class, or to disdain traditional values, he will be rejected by a public less fearful of Bush's ties to the elite of wealth than by dominance of the anti-democratic new elite. The New Elite is as much about perception as substance, Lebedoff further claims, citing Al Gore's defeat to George Bush as representative of the rejection of someone who sounded like a member of the new class. Dean faces the same problem-maybe more so, because the real fight is not between liberals and conservatives but between those who believe in majority rule and those who believe in rule by experts. By revealing the causes of our retreat from democracy, The Uncivil War helps us learn how to regain the right to govern ourselves.
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Editorial Reviews
Review
Fascinating, thought-provoking book... definitely worth a read (Barbara Flanagan, Star Tribune )
With America more divided than at any time since the 1960s, it's time to take a step back and thoughfully puzzle out the causes of our differences; this is what author and lawyer David Lebedoff tries to do in The Uncivil War. The book does not disappoint. Lebedoff has found an original and brilliant way to illuminate contemporary politics and culture. He provides a look at modern society through a lens that is once thoughtful, novel, and fun. (Stanley Kurtz, National Review )
With America more divided than at any time since the 1960s, it's time to take a step back and thoughfully puzzle out the causes of our differences; this is what author and lawyer David Lebedoff tries to do in The Uncivil War. The book does not disappoint. Lebedoff has found an original and brilliant way to illuminate contemporary politics and culture. He provides a look at modern society through a lens that is once thoughtful, novel, and fun. (Stanley Kurtz, National Review )
Lebedoff describes an epic social struggle occurring at present between 'New Elites' and the 'Left Behinds.'
Lebedoff has found an original and brilliant way to illuminate contemporary politics and culture. (Stanley Kurtz, National Review )
Lebedoff writes elegantly. (New York Times Book Review )
Lebenoff always writes fascinating, thought provoking books... definitely worth a read. (Star Tribune )
Once again David Lebedoff has turned his laser eye to the American polity and American politics. Anyone wanting to understand either should read this book, which is a swift read and a narrative prize. (Ben Wattenberg, American Enterprise Institute )
Mr. David Lebedoff addresses here an issue as timely as the front page of your daily newspaper and as ancient as Aristotle: 'Who makes the laws?' Aristotle observes that a polity can have government by the one, the few, or the many, and that the conflict over which is to prevail creates permanent instability. The ensuing history of Europe amply demonstrated this. In 1787, the American founders tried to solve the problem of perpetual instability through their theory of mixed government, but, finally, they made 'We the People' the first three words of the Constitution, the basis for the laws. The sense of the people, in order to be deliberate was to be filtered through the constitutional process. But We the People finally wrote the laws. The founders, after all, had just won a revolution against government by the one. Their founding principle is now under assault by an effort to establish "government by the few," government by law school graduates being one expression of this. Mr. Lebedoff offers here a profound analysis of how this has come to pass. (Jeffrey Hart )
Lebedoff shines a powerful beam of light into the deep social and political waters of the last thirty years, the light of intelligence and concrete observation, and he is consciously in the mainstream of the American democratic political tradition. In his precision and his lucidity, he is a latter-day Toqueville. (Jeffrey Hart National Review )
With America more divided than at any time since the 1960s, it's time to take a step back and thoughfully puzzle out the causes of our differences; this is what author and lawyer David Lebedoff tries to do in The Uncivil War. The book does not disappoint. Lebedoff has found an original and brilliant way to illuminate contemporary politics and culture. He provides a look at modern society through a lens that is once thoughtful, novel, and fun. (Stanley Kurtz, National Review )
With America more divided than at any time since the 1960s, it's time to take a step back and thoughfully puzzle out the causes of our differences; this is what author and lawyer David Lebedoff tries to do in
Lebedoff describes an epic social struggle occurring at present between 'New Elites' and the 'Left Behinds.'
Lebedoff has found an original and brilliant way to illuminate contemporary politics and culture. (Stanley Kurtz, National Review )
Lebedoff writes elegantly. (New York Times Book Review )
Lebenoff always writes fascinating, thought provoking books... definitely worth a read. (Star Tribune )
Once again David Lebedoff has turned his laser eye to the American polity and American politics. Anyone wanting to understand either should read this book, which is a swift read and a narrative prize. (Ben Wattenberg, American Enterprise Institute )
Mr. David Lebedoff addresses here an issue as timely as the front page of your daily newspaper and as ancient as Aristotle: 'Who makes the laws?' Aristotle observes that a polity can have government by the one, the few, or the many, and that the conflict over which is to prevail creates permanent instability. The ensuing history of Europe amply demonstrated this. In 1787, the American founders tried to solve the problem of perpetual instability through their theory of mixed government, but, finally, they made 'We the People' the first three words of the Constitution, the basis for the laws. The sense of the people, in order to be deliberate was to be filtered through the constitutional process. But We the People finally wrote the laws. The founders, after all, had just won a revolution against government by the one. Their founding principle is now under assault by an effort to establish "government by the few," government by law school graduates being one expression of this. Mr. Lebedoff offers here a profound analysis of how this has come to pass. (Jeffrey Hart )
Lebedoff shines a powerful beam of light into the deep social and political waters of the last thirty years, the light of intelligence and concrete observation, and he is consciously in the mainstream of the American democratic political tradition. In his precision and his lucidity, he is a latter-day Toqueville. (Jeffrey Hart National Review )
From the Publisher
This controversial book describes how the New Elite-a self selected class whose members believe they know what's good for the rest of us-has been systematically attacking our tradition of majority rule. The capture of our political parties by extremists, campaigns based on anger rather than issues, laws created by unelected judges, congressmen immune from defeat, and an alienated and ignored electorate all represent a calculated effort of a new class to replace the public will with its own.
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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
37 of 40 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Prescient Insight into America's Cultural Divide,
By
This review is from: The Uncivil War: How a New Elite is Destroying Our Democracy (Hardcover)
For those who thought Lebedoff's "Cleaning Up" was a superb chronicle of Exxon-Valdez disaster and its legal aftermath, they will be equally pleased with the "Uncivil War."
The new book, however, represents Lebedoff in the role of a social and political commentator. Here he zeroes in on the cultural and political elite of contemporary America. This elite's" general contempt for democracy (except, of course, when it reaches a result the elite favors)was especially clear this past year in my state, California. The recall of a sitting governor and the election of an "actor" was highly offensive to the elite's sensibilities. While I suspect that the elite is broader than those who boast of high standardized test scores (it seems perfectly willing to include within its membership those who share its values), his take on the culture wars is consistent with what I have witnessed inside academia for the past three and half decades. It has been facinating to watch Lebedoff evolve from the political liberal he was when we were classmates at the University of Minnesota in 1960, to the current skeptical, insightful analyst of cultural trends. The latest book is not only "right on" in its analysis, it is a marvelous testament to his intellectual evolution as a political and cultural commentator. In one important sense, however, Lebedoff has not changed -- he still believes in the ballot box and the will of the people. "Uncivil War" is a superb book
16 of 19 people found the following review helpful:
3.0 out of 5 stars
No There There,
By mtspace "Reader, Cook, Gardener, Critic" (Somewhere in NJ USA) - See all my reviews
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This review is from: The Uncivil War: How a New Elite is Destroying Our Democracy (Hardcover)
"There's no Intelligent Life out here. Only You." This is the way the Toyota Trucks ad runs. It has for some time. And if you want to understand why, Read this book.
An Uncivil War, claims Lebedoff, is being waged by a group of Americans whom he calls the New Elite. He defines them as being self-identified people who are 'interested in ideas.' They are often college educated people who have verbal skills but lack other qualities of concern to Lebedoff, most notably that they consider themselves smarter than every one else. But are so in a shallow or unsophisticated way. Lebedoff points to a long list of fairly obvious problems in the current practice of democracy in America. 1) A crumbling sense of community. 2) Unresponsiveness of government. 3) Elections have ceased to be a forum for the discussion of ideas. These and a number of other complaints he discusses briefly. Then he posits that all these ills are caused by the class of people he has identified. The great flaw of the book is that it completely fails to argue persuasively for any link between his New Elite and these problems. It scarcely argues this central thesis; it assumes it. And this is the fundamental flaw of the book I agree with Lebedoff in his identification of the problems. I agree with him that these problems need to be solved. And to a limited degree I think his analysis points us in a new direction - a direction that might help. The New Elite - to the extent there is one - has some blind spots. But he implies throughout the book (though denying it once or twice) that there is some sort of conspiracy among the New Elite to grab power and subvert the whole system of democracy in America. In this area and others the book stumbles seriously. For example, when one identifies a group of Americans numbering close to one hundred million, it is inevitable most sweeping generalizations one makes of the group are bound to be wrong in many or even most instances. One would rightly be skeptical to assert that there is a cohesive group of people with all the following traits: 1) Avoid Risks 2) Advocate Government by Experts 3) Reject Traditional Values 4) Embrace Symbols over Substance 5) Engage in Moral Posturing Read between the lines and find that these traits are those of the only really clear example of the New Elite to reach the White House. And then suddently realize that one could simply read this book's title as "How Bill Clinton Ruined Democracy in America." I have concerns about some of his policies and some of his attitudes. But in many ways Clinton was a populist. And in many ways both his success and his tragic flaws arose from the qualities in him that gave birth to both his New Elitism and his Populism. Lebedoff argues that morality and civility should be taught . He advocates a return to 'traditional values.' When most thoughtful people hear these things they hear code language for 'let's use our schools to turn everyone into bible-thumping evangelicals" and run away screaming hysterically. Lebedoff argues that the New Elite fails to respect the traditional values but that it should do so. To the extent Lebedoff is referring to the virtues Hume advocates or the ones advocated by Aristotle, I think he is completely correct. Both sides of the aisle will benefit greatly by adopting these virtues. But when his lines are interpreted as code, I would say we need to be careful to avoid turning our country into the Fourth Reich. The overarching argument that technocrats should not be the ones responsible for making law is an interesting one. Certainly it is true that when a person runs for political office he should be able to clearly articulate political ideals and philosophies. And he should temper his practice as a legislator or executive according to those ideals and philosophies. A political process that gets us back into the practice of doing this is something I wish for as much as the author. I am skeptical that bashing technocrats or even banishing them from office would be enough to bring about this end. The founders of the country were unconvinced that America's institutions were quite up to the task of teaching the right virtues. This is why we have mandatory education (which should teach them but falls far short of doing so) and why we have representative democracy and the electoral college. Even Lebedoff argues that the process of introducing more direct methods of electing political convention delegates played a major role in the degredation of political discourse. Lebedoff takes it as an item of faith that 'majority rule' is the right thing. He is completely unconcerned about history's lessons about failed states run by majority rule. Nor does he spend any time examanining this premise. He simply imagines that there is some sort of sacred right to majority rule, that it is always ultimately best for a country and that anyone who questions whether this is necessarily the case is somehow unfiit to be an American - even if their viewpoint is informed by study of history and a concern about the moral or political weaknesses of majority rule. It was a member of the British political elite who posited 'The masses are asses" and H.L. Menkin "Democracy is based on the idea that people should get what they ask for. And get it good and hard." Perhaps Lebedoff is right. Perhaps our country will be better if it drives itself into a brick wall at 60 mph than it would be if someone else were to take the wheel. Perhaps we stand in Ghandi's shoes saying "it is better for us to rule ourselves badly than to be ruled well by someone else." Perhaps this is the only way we shall internalize the lessons of history. Perhaps the minority who has read a little bit of history and has concerns for the future of the country should sit silently on their hands while everyone else learns by experience. Perhaps this is Lebedoff's argument. But I hope not.
21 of 26 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Life support, but not yet a death watch,
This review is from: The Uncivil War: How a New Elite is Destroying Our Democracy (Hardcover)
This is a superb assessment of what has befallen American politics in the last 35 years, and as good an explanation as I have ever read of the current maladies we face. The book is concise and engaging, and offers an important road map for politicians, political parties and interested citizens to what the majority of Americans are looking for in public life. Lebedoff points out that since he first looked at the breakdown of majority rule, a cast of characters has arrived on stage that are shining examples of the problems he is describing. Too many of our current leaders were raised on New Elite doctrine, and it may not be until the next generation of leaders (e.g., Barak Obama) rises that we find political candidates who appeal to the majority, rather than a collection of interest groups. Those leaders should be watched for and followed.
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