Customer Reviews

The United States of Europe: The New Superpower and the End of American Supremacy

5 star:		(37)
4 star:		(16)
3 star:		(18)
2 star:		(9)
1 star:		(7)

 

 

Over the past decade I have, like many Americans, been aware of many of the changes that have been taking place in Europe, but unfortunately also like most Americans I have been completely unaware of the magnitude, extent and nature of the changes taken there. Reid's thesis is that the European Union, which could be the fulfillment of Winston Churchill's vision of a United States of Europe, could be poised to become a world superpower to equal or surpass the United States of America. Although Reid does not put it quite this way, if the 20th Century was the American Century, the 21st Century could well be the European Century.

Under any consideration, the situation that Reid describes in the European Union that is extremely impressive. In the decades following the destruction of the Second World War, the Europeans have crafted a loosely unified state that has created the world's largest trading bloc, the world's strongest currency, one of the world's largest populations, one of the world's greatest manufacturing bases, and a model network of social structures. As an American, I have long been used to the idea that the United States takes the lead on many of the world's advances, whether economic, political, or moral, but upon reading this book I wonder if we might be lagging rather far behind what is being done in Europe. But it is Europe and not the United States that is planning a trip to visit Mars. It is Europe that is setting the world's standards for safety. It is Europe that has taken the international lead on human rights issues, and has taken the United States to task for a variety of shortcomings in the area, in particular on capital punishment. Europe has far outstripped the United States in the way it has advanced and furthered the well being of its citizens, building a cradle to grave social network system. One wonders, in reading this book, if one is glimpsing the future and realizing that it lies on the other side of the ocean.

In reading the book, I kept thinking of Bush's remarks about Europe before the initiation of the invasion of Iraq, trying to strong arm them into joining the U.S. coalition by remarks about the old order of Europe, implying that the United States was on the cutting edge of things. The reverse seems to be the case, with the United States persisting in policies that are rapidly going out of date, with the United States pursuing a wide range of domestic policies that are running against the grain of what is happening in Europe. But with the magnificent health care system in Europe (universal, absolutely first rate, and extremely cheap, all while costing less than half of what the less-than-universal healthcare system of the United States costs), with the widespread protection for workers (e.g., it is illegal to downsize a company and layoffs are prohibited, and if unemployed one does not lose one's health benefits), with the vastly preferable work conditions (European workers have several weeks worth of days off compared to American workers, who tend to work exceedingly long hours for slightly better pay but vastly fewer benefits), it is not a question of whether Americans will want the kind of system put in place there but when. I was nearly incredulous when an online Swedish friend of mine explained that he gets eight weeks of vacation a year (he is in his mid-twenties). I asked how many sick days he got, and he said if you are sick you stay home; he didn't know what I meant by "sick days."

On top of all this, the European Union is growing rapidly as an economic superpower. Reid is not the first one to argue that it is a matter of time before the standard international currency is no longer the American dollar but the Euro. Again, this isn't a question of if, but when. On a host of issues, it is Europe that sets the rules for international trade. Reid illustrates the slowness with which the U.S. has awoken to this fact by the clumsy and thwarted attempt by Jack Welch and GE to merge with Honeywell.

All of this comes at a price, however. Reid details the rather gigantic amount in taxes all Europeans pay for the immense array of benefits they receive, for the extraordinary transportation system they enjoy, for the assurances that workers and the elderly receive, and for the vastly improved infrastructure that provides the foundations for contemporary Europe. They pay value added taxes on most goods at rates up to 17-25%, on top of regular taxes of all sorts. But they very much get in return what they pay for in taxes.

This is an eye-opening book, but one can in the end question whether the ascendance of Europe is quite as accomplished as Reid insists. After all, the United States is still the world's most powerful economy, and its massive military has provided the international security (to the West at least) that has made the European miracle possible. But I would respond to such a critic in this fashion: if the world Reid describes doesn't quite exist today, it easily could in the near future. Again, it is more of a "when" question, not an "if" question. Reid warns that there is a deep need for the United States to wake up to the changed landscape, to formulate methods of cooperation, to afford Europe the respect it demands, and to realize that they are not the only big boys on the block now. My own concern is that four more years of Bush, an individual who has done a great deal to solidify European self-identity (largely in unified opposition to him as a world leader the intensely loathe), will continue to left a great gap in world leadership, creating a void that Europeans will increasingly fill. In 2000, the United States was the world's leading nation, but in 2008 it is far more likely to be the European Union.

There are so many other fascinating things in this book, from the nature of Generation E to the vast mobility of residents (all in a collection of nations that are now passport free and have no checkpoints or guarded borders) to the role of English to the original conception of a united Europe. This truly is a book that all Americans need to read. To quote Jack Welch from the book, those in the U.S. might not like everything in this volume, but "This really is just the way the world works now."

I finished reading this book several weeks ago and it has taken me a bit of time to compile my thoughts on it. All and all, I have a mixed review to present here.

It's certainly a well written book, with lots of useful information. Reid does an excellent job of bringing us up to date on the European Commitment from the end of WWII to the current political theatre. This is a gripping read that will benefit anyone who has not kept abreast of the developments in Europe in the last several decades. Reid does a very good job of describing the European Social Model - in terms of health care, the death penalty, drugs and quality of life issues. Its clear that the EU has surpassed the US in many societal matters.

As Reid points out, many Americans still feel like the lone superpower on the globe, basing their decision primarily on superior US military power. Reid correctly argues that the term "superpower" is open to interpretation - an economic superpower or a social superpower also are valid forms of a global leadership and can have as much pull as a military power.

Where I believe Reid falls short is in his description of the EU as a near utopian state. The EU has deficit problems, social issues, labor issues (i.e., unemployment, underemployment and worker strikes) - just as any other nation has. There are also pervasive relationship problems between many of the EU countries. (England and Italy for starters). I think the social care that they provide to their nations is unprecedented in history, and a wonderful idea, But like many economists, I wonder how long this can be sustained.

The book is clearly written by a Europhile (I am not saying that as a pejorative, mind you). Like most things in this world, there is no such thing as a sure thing, and nobody knows how this will all play out in the long run. Reid assumes that the union will continue on its current trajectory.

While Reid does offer statistics to support many of his arguments, I believe that he also offers too many ancedotal examples. He dedicates too many pages repeating discussions with people he met while traveling, his own examples while living in England, interviews with working couples, etc.

Its been apparent (at least to me) that Europe has pulled ahead of the US in many respects, and this book will serve as an eye opener for its readers. I think it would be an injustice for people to complete this book, and feel compelled to decide whether the US or the EU is a better place to live.

Now that George W. Bush has convincingly demonstrated his national mandate through his re-election, it might give many Americans significant pause were they to recognize the force with which the United European state is beginning to effectively countermand the current administration's strain toward military unilateralism as the seemingly singular exercisable method for extending American power and influence throughout the world. As scholar Paul Kennedy has argued forcefully elsewhere, the mighty military power we project as the primary steam-rolling vehicle of our foreign policy has both great costs and great limitations, neither of which we seem to pay much heed to, but which both have fateful consequences for the future of the republic.

Therefore, it is instructive indeed to find this thoughtful, well researched, and extremely cogently-written offering in which Mr. Reid, a former London Bureau chief for the Washington Post, argues that our chance at international hegemony may, in fact, be drawing to a premature close based on our peculiar penchant for unilateralism in foreign affairs and our confusion regarding what can be settled militarily, on the one hand, for what can be settled in political terms on the other. Our current imbroglio in Iraq, of course, comes immediately to mind, yet there are countless other egregious examples of the ways in which our social, cultural and political mindset seems to predispose us to what our European counterparts often view as counterproductive and even solipsistic efforts that often cost us far more than we gain.

As a result, contends the always provocative and entertaining Mr. Reid, the emerging economic and political force of the European Union may soon eclipse that of the United States and in the process make our overwhelming military prowess all but irrelevant. Yet, while we may see the European alliance more in terms of its potential as a market for our products and services, in reality the European Union is much more likely to be increasingly the more senior and more powerful of the elements in the ongoing business calculus that continues to transpire between the two super-states. In particular, we need to pay attention to the ways in which pan-international agreements like the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) significantly impinge upon and often constrain the legal and economic rights and prerogatives of individual signatory nations to successfully employ their own national laws and regulations to determine economic and business destinies.

An excellent example given in the book is that experienced by General Electric CEO Jack Welch, who discovered to his dismay that the supposedly definitively greased and authorized merger acquisition of Honeywell by GE was effectively blocked by the governing antitrust policies of the European Union, since in order to trade with the EU, one must, by virtue of the provisions of GATT, conform to the international trade laws within that realm. If GE wanted to sell its products within the huge European market, it had to conform, and the merger activities ceased and desisted. In fact, Reid indicates, the European Union has a much larger market for American good than any other single market, including our own domestic economy. It also has more capital to use to enforce its dictates on trading partners operating within its orbit.

Another consideration is its quite different social and cultural environment, one in which the idea of a "welfare state' is not only not the anathema it is here, but is also something the Europeans view as a superior moral and cultural tradition, one far superior to what they see as the naked and indifferent capitalism they see practiced in the United States. What is truly ironic in this regard is that while we act as the virtual arsenal of liberty, spending hundreds of billions of dollars annually to outfit, support, and man our armed forces, the Europeans tend to neglect to share what we might see as their fair share of such a burden by characteristically under-contributing to the defense of NATO in particular, and by spending relatively little of their national treasure on defense in general. This allows them to support the forms of general welfare we tend to eschew as too costly and too unmanageable. One muses about how their quality of life compares to ours, and the answers one may finally arrive at regarding this comparison may depend on the all too selective criteria one may use to measure this aspect of 21st century life.

While we Americans naturally imagine the quality of life in the United States to be superior to all others, one examining the issue becomes less sure that this is an established fact as opposed to being an un-researched supposition based on a profound cultural ignorance and lack of social experience living in other countries. And it is in this respect that the author serves the yeoman's service of better acquainting the reader with the realities of the rising cultural and economic influence of the European Union as well as their perceptions and dispositions toward us. For example, it is in our best interests to better understand the growing anti-American sentiment of individual Europeans based both on our unilateral foreign policies and what they see as a kind of cultural arrogance in which American values are assumed to be the values that we Americans are attempting to plant far and wide in service to the growth of freedom and liberty. To many Europeans it seems more an argument for economic imperialism than for the spread of freedom. This is an excellent book, and one I can heartily recommend. Enjoy!

T. R. Reid writes to alert America to a geopolitical revolution: the unification of Europe-a tectonic change that will change the world forever and that Americans have failed either to notice or fully ascertain. Waking America to the waking giant across the Atlantic is what this book is about.

As a history of Europe's unification this book is invaluable-it explains neatly and succinctly the move to integrate the continent, how and why it came about. It also captures the emerging economic power of the EU, and encapsulates the feeling of constructing Europe as an alternative to America; in doing so, Mr. Reid illustrates the political and social connections which bind the continent together and which separate it from America (Europe's welfare state, its aversion to large militaries and war, etc.) The book even contains a concise guide to the European Union, its member states and its institutional structures (this will surely excite even Europeans who are usually dumbfounded by Brussels and its complexities).

For those who either don't know enough about the EU or think it is okay to not know enough about the EU, Mr. Reid offers a sober history and counterargument. All the same, there are reasons to be a bit skeptical about the overall narrative. For one, Mr. Reid is overly enthusiastic about the emergence of a pan-European consciousness. Generation E might all watch Eurovision and the Champions' League, and might travel cheaply with Euro-rail, but Europe still lacks a demos-a political consciousness and dialogue that is so vital to a collective political entity.

Historically, Mr. Reid tries to reconcile two competing narratives. For one, he depends for his story on an exciting and inviting public-a public grew weary of war and tired of antagonisms. Whether that exists today or existed in the 1950s is questionable, though the post-war generation probably did feel a growing urgency of putting the past behind them. But this trend is countered by the fact that the EU progressed all too slowly-that the first steps were hesitant and often imposed on a skeptical or reluctant public. The standard narrative of the EU is that of technocrats, bureaucrats and politicians leading a skeptical public-that is echoed in arguments against referenda that depend on a "if the past treaties were subjected to referenda, then there would be no EU" syllogism. This version of the EU, of "decaffeinated politics" as the Daily Telegraph columnist Noel Malcolm put it, puts leaders at a disconnected plain from voters-and this story rings much truer of life in the EU than Mr. Reid's does.

If Generation E is one of the book's shortcomings, then its economic analysis is another. Moot expressions such as a "stronger euro" are meaningless in the economist's ears. Although there is something to be said about the usage of the dollar as a reserve currency, the overall treatment of the topic is too short to be meaningful. And although Mr. Reid catalogues scores of European corporations succeeding in America, there is a similar story to be said about American companies abroad.

In all, Mr. Reid's contribution will be to alert the American public about a grand change taking place in Europe. But in some areas, particularly on the public's connection to Brussels, on Europe's passion for technocratic and grand solutions to grand problems, and about its insistence on unity as the most potent goal, readers should do well to discount Mr. Reid's enthusiasm a bit, to get a more accurate picture of where Europe stands and where it might be headed.

Having lived and worked (teaching business and business consulting) in Europe for over six years, I believe that Reid's book presents an important perspective that many Americans need to be exposed to, if not understand.

POSITIVES:
-Very readable (a quick read)
-Timely information (for the most part)
-Presents a good balance for most readers between "too much" and "not enough" background (e.g. Marshall Plan, Jack Welch, etc.)
-Good presentation of the emerging "E" generation (maybe most important aspect of book)
-Good introduction to the emergence of globalization (esp. EU countries' investments in US)
-Good introduction to current European social trends
-Although difficult to swallow, good presentation of growing negative view of US (at least certain aspects) by many Europeans

NEGATIVES:
-Reid at times is a bit too enamored with modern European socialism (Although exposure is one that many American's can learn from)
-What he doesn't present are the negative feelings and consequences Europeans are experiencing as a result (of socialism)
-Some of the data doesn't exactly agree with recent data, however, trends in general are accurate
-Country by country analysis at end is a bit superficial (Probably would take another book to really do good job)
-Newly added EU countries present new challenges that are significant and not addressed in book

OVERALL: RECOMENDED. Should be required reading (along with others) for anyone entering the future (globalized) job market or business ownership

Out of the smoldering ruins of post World War II Europe arose the dream of three visionary men: former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, whose name resonates with every American, and two others whose names and reputations may not come so readily to mind. One was former brandy salesman Jean Monnet and the other was post-war French Prime Minister and underground fighter Robert Schuman. Together, and separately, these three men were the architects and builders of what is now the European Union. These are the names that future European children will read about in history books and that might be equated with Jefferson, Franklin and Adams. They, along with other forward thinking statesmen, created the future European Union --- the United States of Europe.

The region had suffered two devastating world wars, with millions dead, wounded and homeless, and hundreds of cities and towns spread over a dozen nations laid to waste in less than 30 years. Churchill, who led Great Britain through the ravages of all-out assault from the Germans, believed that the only way to avert a future calamity was to unite the former invading countries through a common market, common currency, and united interests in peace. He spoke often of a United States of Europe. Others would come along a few years later and form that dream into reality. Sixty years later, not only has the European Union been created --- complete with a capitol, a democratically elected parliament, a flag and an army --- but the unthinkable also occurred: they created a common currency, the euro, which is beating the pants off the almighty American dollar.

According to T. R. Reid, author of eight books on the economies of Japan, China and the Middle East, while America was thundering along, assuming its place at the head of the pack as the biggest, the baddest and the best, the youthful European Union has sprinted up and pulled out to pass a complacent and self-satisfied giant. America Firsters will not take kindly to at least one early chapter where health and longevity, income, marriage and commercial productivity figures are compared --- none too favorably --- with the European Union. Reality bites, as they say --- and Reid shows us a reality that any thinking economist, or any American for that matter, should chew on.

Reid is an American journalist who headed the Washington Post's London Bureau where he chronicled the stunning rise of the European Union at the dawn of the 21st century. When the euro was first introduced on January 1, 2002, the very idea of a common currency among nations of such diverse religious, ethnic, cultural and language barriers, many of which had been actively engaged in slaughtering one another for two thousand years, was laughable to many world observers. Yet today, other nations are flocking to the euro for investment as they once relied on the American dollar. Meanwhile, the faithful dollar is sliding alarmingly in value against this upstart --- and American manufacturing and commerce are taking their lumps.

Reid introduces us to Generation E --- the less nationalist, youthful wage earners of the European Union. Fading are the visions of the fatherland and the motherland. Generation E bops from one nation state to another, communicating via the broadest, unified cell phone system in the world, their allegiance to freedom, entrepreneurialism and success.

Did you know that you can leave Copenhagen, Denmark in your car and drive to the toe of Italy's boot through a dozen "foreign" countries and never show your passport, never exchange currency, and, for the most part, speak English? Or that a resident of the European Union has a two-year longer life expectancy than an American? And that the infant mortality rate is lower, as are the rates of heart disease and cancer, and that health insurance covers every citizen, for about half as much per capita as the United States spends? And that doctors still make housecalls and you never even see a bill?

While the EU has a standing army, it is envisioned not as an invasion force but as one to go in after an invasion and rebuild. There is a saying in America when it comes to military might: "the United States cooks the dinner and the Europeans wash the dishes." The Europeans see it another way: "the United States is the war maker, and the Europeans are the peacekeepers."

Eye-popping, jaw-dropping facts fill each chapter and make for fascinating, if disquieting, reading. All is not milk and honey in the EU and Reid points out the differences in this fascinating look at the giant across the waters that is the European Union. He also slaps America around a bit for our arrogance and assumptions of righteous power. THE UNITED STATES OF EUROPE gives fair warning that we're not the only Super Power on the planet. The EU is an ally, but not one to be taken lightly or for granted.

--- Reviewed by Roz Shea

I'm an admirer of Reid, his reporting, and his earlier fine book
on Asian realities. And The United States of Europe contains a vast amount of up-to-date, carefully assembled, and well-presented on the new Europe. Thoughtful Americans aiming for
a valuable picture of the American role in the world will find
plenty to admire...and worry about. This is a particularly good
source of information on the complex relationships between the EU and its member states, and on EU institutions and how they work.

But Reid, in my opinion, has presented a largely one-sided
and at times near-utopian view of European trends. The growing role of the EU itself is much more difficult and controversial in Europe than Reid tells us. Major issues such as coordination of foreign and trade policy are not discussed in adequate depth.
There's almost no serious discussion of the high levels of unemployment and what to do about it.

Perhaps most important, Reid barely mentions, and discusses not
at all, the forbidding demographic challenges faced by most
European states---and the attendant difficulties which stem from the fact that most of Europe's net population growth, when growth is occurring at all, is due to large scale immigration of folks with vastly different cultural backgrounds. It is far from clear, a generation or two out, how Europe can maintain the
momentum it needs unless there is a new and unanticipated supply of brand-new Europeans to pay all the bills for the costly
social programs Reid and most Europeans so much admire.

Europeans themselves are having heated debates about a wide range of tough issues which Reid himself barely mentions. One can still make the case that the European Union's success has already changed realities for all us non-Europeans. But his case would be more compelling if he gave due weight to the
other side of the picture. So read this book, learn a lot about how Europe has changed greatly, and draw some sobering lessons about ways in which Europe is doing well and the U.S. can do better. But don't let it keep you awake at night.

Anyone who has read Confucious Lives Next Door (about Japan) knows how entertaining his books are about how little we really understand of cultures outside our borders. The economic thesis of this book is also totally true & overlooked by folks here. I would bet 9 out of 10 working Americans can't even name half of the 25 EU member countries right now. But the best thing about the book is how extremely well written and organized it is. Its 1/3 history book, 1/3 cultural discussion, 1/3 economic essay, but somehow pulls it all off very tightly. His sub-stories are engaging and funny so its a much lighter read than the publisher descriptions suggest. Having recently returned from an assignment managing a large organization in Europe, I also found his analysis of what's behind the anti-American sentiment over there to be right on the money. He describes it in ways that I could never do - they are so true! Great book - highly recommend it to anyone interested in the topic or just wondering what all this EU stuff is about.

Americans have been asleep at the wheel, says Reid. While Americans and, in particular their leaders have been asleep, a new super power has arisen, and has matched or surpassed America's power and influence in every significant area except military might.

According to Reid, Europeans are different from Americans, and their worldview is being increasingly imposed on the world and in particular on America for better and for worse, and the failure of America's leaders to acknowledge the situation, results repeatedly in America loosing arguments and friends on the world stage.

Reid has clearly spent a lot of time in Europe, and talked both to a lot of prominent Europeans and many of the people in the street. He's also done his research, and presents a compelling argument, based upon Europe's history, as to why the EU has been so successful, and why it is likely to continue to be successful.

That said I am a European living in America, so this book certainly grabbed by attention. And while my emotional reaction was frequently "Oh America, we're so going to kick your ass", from an intellectual perspective I didn't recognize the continent that Reid was describing. As a cheerleader for Europe Reid does a fabulous job, but time and again, his determination to prove his central claim, results in him twisting the evidence to make Europe seem more than it is. This leaves me deeply suspicious of all the information and arguments in the book, and undermines my belief in the conclusions that Reid draws.

For instance the Generation E that Franks describes, young mobile educated Europeans, who have grown up in one European country been educated or are working in another country do exist but I've met a lot more Europeans living and working here in America, than I ever met non-Brit's living or working in England.

Reid states that Europe has the world's fastest trains. This is True, but he omits to mention that the TGV, while capable of traveling at 175mph, actually winds its way through England at 55mph because the railway track it travels on is so badly out of date. As Reid then explains, it then crosses the Channel Tunnel to France, one of the great engineering achievements of our time. Unfortunately, the Channel Tunnel was one of the great financial disasters of our time. Reid forgets to mention this little piece of trivia.

Reid describes in glowing praise the success of Airbus, and the process of constructing the worlds largest ever passenger plane, but Reid totally omits any discussion of the worlds fastest ever passenger plane. Concorde represents another lofty European goal and another great European financial disaster.

When it comes to describing the challenges that face Europe, Reid almost omits any discussion. He claims that immigration is the obvious and inevitable solution to the demographic crisis facing Europe, but omits to discuss just how much resistance there is to this from the average European. If logic were the only criteria required to solve a problem, then on the evidence presented in the United States of Europe, America would surely have a Government funded health care system by now. Back in the real world Americans don't and wouldn't support a "socialized health system", and Europeans will not sanction mass immigration. This leaves the question of how Europe will continue to fund it's expensive welfare state for future generations. And as the welfare system is, we are told, one of the main differences between Europe and America, how different will the future Europe be from the current America?

Reid tells us another significant difference between Europeans and Americans is that Americans are optimists who embrace science, while Europeans are "melancholy" and "more comfortable with the knowledge that engenders disgust." At the center of this particular argument is that Europeans are antagonistic to genetically modified crops (GMOs), and Americans aren't. Reid's supporting evidence is that he talked to some politicians. My understanding of this issue, based upon some actual academic studies, is that Americans are not aware of either the prevalence or the risks of GMOs, and that when they are given the same information, they are just as concerned as Europeans.

In conclusion, the book has some glaring weaknesses that undermine, but don't invalidate the book's message. I enjoyed reading the book, but recommend that if you choose to read this book, you do so with some heavy skepticism.

It seems a shame that this fascinating, eminently readable book came out the day after the national elections, as the subject has great pertinence to anyone who has questioned the bullying imperialism that the Bush administration condones in dealing with the rest of the world. Currently the Rocky Mountain bureau chief for the Washington Post, author T.R. Reid more relevantly was the paper's London bureau chief, and from this vantage point, he has been able to apply an obvious wellspring of knowledge about Europe's changing social, political and economic landscape. In lucid terms that result in some eye-opening observations, he spells out how the European Union (EU) has taken the road not taken by coming together as a burgeoning superpower that threatens to overtake the U.S. in many historically dominant areas in which we have become victim to our own nationalistic pride.

A super-nation consisting of 25 separate nations and over 500 million inhabitants, the EU hopes to eclipse the U.S. to become the ideal welfare state, not a military giant. It's an audacious objective, somewhat in a vacuum and rather idealistic on many levels, but according to most Europeans, it's a goal definitely within reach. Reid provides plenty of evidence that the EU has a powerful value proposition that the U.S. is unable and currently unwilling to replicate here. Much of the EU's economic strategy is based on their goal of becoming the global center of anti-trust legislation. No longer willing to follow Washington's rules, the EU has been successful in forcing corporate heavyweights like Microsoft and General Electric to bend to their will. In the most intriguing example, Reid follows the journey of GE Chairman Jack Welch and his quest to buy Honeywell. His $45 billion deal was approved by all of the U.S. government agencies, but it could not pass the approval of the EU's distrusting anti-trust czar Mario Monti despite Welch having spent nearly $75 million on the buyout. According to Reid, much of the EU's clout comes from the fact that it can amass power as a single unit when it matters (e.g., sharing a single currency, eliminating border patrols) but capitalize on their individual sovereignties by having 25 separate votes within pivotal international organizations. In the most obvious recent case, the EU used their numbers to their advantage in voting overwhelmingly against Bush's second attempt to gain support for a U.N.-sanctioned war against Saddam Hussein. Even more interesting was their unified position within the World Trade Organization where together they issued sanctions against the U.S. in providing special benefits to U.S.-based corporations. This is a different kind of global power based not on guns but on a solid, intimidating front upon which the U.S. has had to yield time and time again. Moreover, the EU prides itself on being the "beloved welfare state" and is more than happy to allow the U.S. to increase its multi-billion dollar deficit to fund the military forces deemed necessary to protect the free world from terrorism. In fact, despite their fears of the al-Qaeda, the EU views military spending as anachronistic, much preferring to spend their budgets on free medical care, free college education, a rich pension system and helping mothers raise their newborn babies without economic hardship.

The author is particularly merciless when it comes to the European view on President Bush, a deeply negative perception compared to his predecessors including his father. Although some of Reid's comments are quite conjectural (e.g., talking about Bush's posturing swagger and cowboy boots), one cannot argue with concrete evidence of reaction to Bush's imperialist and often self-righteous tendencies - voting against the Kyoto Accord, politically arm-wrestling the EU to allow Turkey membership, and perhaps most damaging, his support of the death penalty. In fact, Reid states that the European perception of the U.S. death penalty has driven a deeper wedge than one can imagine since such a stand reflects a zealous religious right completely alien to the European mindset. Providing a glimpse into the future of the EU and the evolving identity of its constituents, Reid also discusses the social implications with the emergence of "Generation E", the 18-40 year olds who travel Europe with no regard to borders and speak English as their language of choice. If you are looking to understand the shifting balance of global power, then this is the book to read as Reid has written one of the most insightful and frankly entertaining books on the global ramifications of current U.S. policy and how Europe has faced the challenge of overcoming the U.S. shadow. Strongly recommended for those who have the temerity to take a hard look across the Atlantic.