Customer Reviews

Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance (Dress, Body, Culture)

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The author has done such a great job, challenging the stereotypical western view to the meaning of veiling in a thorough scientific research, using an anthropological analysis and sailing through the history; east and west. She succeeded in disentangling the confusions that exist between cultural language as far as veil is concerned. In a serious and great effort, her analysis illustrate the layers and layes of meanings that are mixed with veiling in the past and present, in Muslim and non-Muslim countries. I am glad that there an anthropologist in the international community who can introduce a picture of the Islamic culture that is different from what has become known through Mernessi and Sa'adawi. We still need to do more in two directions, clarifying the misunderstanding to the western mind through more research in the direction that she has taken, and self criticizing the limitations of the current mind structure of the so called Muslims. As far as I can see as an anthropologist who lives in Egypt, the Egyptian Islam is endangered by the petrodollars Islam. Preserving the Egyptian identity is a great target to which social sciences in general and anthropology in particular should direct their efforts. Islam as digested and introduced by the Egyptians is the international Islam. The one that is tolerant, unbiased, humane and open. That is the Islam we need in order to establish a real cultural debate in the next millennium and not to go into cultural conflicts as Huntington has expected.

In this extensively researched book, Fadwa El Guindi offers new insight into Middle Eastern women's decision to adopt modest Muslim attire since the 1970s.

The author presents historical and anthropological documentation of the phenomena of covering up -- which she explains is not solely practiced by women.

The reader gains a perspective of how the veil has been used from prehistory as a form of privacy, protection and class status. El Guindi stresses there is no fast rule on who wears or does not wear the veil. She also rejects radical Western feminists' claims that the veil degrades women. Rather, she stresses, the veil is a woman's silent defiance against imported Western culture and colonialism as in Algeria and Palestine and unpopular regimes in much of the Arab world.

Fadwa El Guindi's work on the practice of veiling in Islam seems more like an in depth study of Arabic etymology than a comprehensive overview of the practice of veiling. El Guindi's book promises to chronicle the use of the veil while simultaneously dispelling "Western" myths about the practice of and ideology behind veiling. Unfortunately, her work relies too heavily on citations and becomes bogged down in trying to refute all other scholarly theories about veiling; her message gets lost somewhere between the tenth and twentieth assertion that past ethnographic studies of Islamic women and veiling are Euro- and ethnocentric. Although her idea of studying purely the practice of veiling by means of an ethnographic as well as textual approach has a great deal of merit in its own right, the implementation is poor and the actual writing poorer.

Guindi's overreaching purpose is twofold: to dispel the common, "Westernized" myths put forth by trained anthropologists, and to use a textual and ethnography-based approach to understand more holistically the practice, implications, and purposes of veiling in modern, early Islamic, and, to some extent, pre-Islamic times. Her premise is that all previous studies of the veil have been about women and not the veil per se, and her argument is that the veil is actually a source of power and in some cases a legitimization of partial female autonomy rather than one of seclusion and male-enforced oppression.

The first section of the book deals primarily with Guindi's claim that Women's and Islamic Studies scholars are ethnocentric in their interpretation of veiling which Guindi attempts to support by exhaustively citing works on the subject of veiling and haram. She then proceeds to explain why nearly all of these scholarly theories are incomplete, biased, or both. Though Chapter 2 touches on the historical and pre-Islamic roots of veiling, the first 45 pages of Veil are dominated by a theory-heavy argument about bias. It is here that Guindi presents her method of studying the veil which she believes to be a more holistic, culturally and historically-minded approach. In a fresh, novel way, Guindi argues that anthropologists must consult textual sources as well as historical and ethnographic data in order to understand cultural issues, especially those that garner a great deal of emotional fervor, such as the practice of veiling. As such, the first quarter of the book is more a work of anthropological theory than a study or history of veiling practices.
Guindi attempts to resolve this lack of actual discussion about the veil in Section 2. The primary basis for her argument in this section is the implicit premise that if a society has not created a word for a certain idea, then the idea does not, in fact, exist within the culture. A prime example of this is the concept of "privacy," or at least some sort of Westernized notion of "privacy." Guindi argues that since there is no actual Arabic term for the concept of "privacy," then it must necessarily not exist within Arabic culture. This form of argument is the most prevalent throughout Section 2, and leads one to believe that one is reading a piece on Arabic etymology rather than a treatise on women's dress in Islamic culture.

However, Guindi does provide an interesting, though long-winded, history of the anthropological notion of dress, which gives illumination to the position from which she writes. It would seem natural that Guindi, having finally made clear her holistic approach to anthropology and having given a brief history of the anthropology of dress, would then proceed to the practice of veiling, which seems to be the subject of her book. Instead, one finds an entire chapter on the etymology of the Arabic root h-r-m. Nevertheless, by page 97, Guindi begins her argument about the role of veiling in not only women's but also men's social spheres. She argues that veiling initially indicated social class, provided a means for moving in and out of the holy states in the daily life of a Muslim, and established a definite social space for women and men alike, especially men of the Rashayda ethnicity.

Guindi then moves to describing men's forms of veiling to in a way that is defensive of and apologetic for both men's and women's forms of veiling. Her focus on Berber and Rashayda men's veiling practices are an attempt to further her argument that wearing the veil is empowering and not oppressive or imposed. Her concrete examples for this assertion range from Muslim women in India "beating" their husbands with their veils in a ritual every year to women in Bahrain attaching keys to their headdresses. In Guindi's argument, the example of women "beating" their husbands with their veils is significant because now the same women use sticks rather than veils to ritually "beat" their husbands, and Guindi thus equates the veil with beating stick. Similarly, Guindi argues that the attachment of keys to headdresses in Bahrain is symbolic because the veil is supposed to represent oppression while the keys, which represent freedom and autonomy, are attached to the symbols of women's oppression.

The next topic the book discusses is how the veil came to symbolize modesty and piety, especially when freely donned by college students in Egypt. Guindi argues that voluntary veiling and minimal public interaction between males and veiled females shows the power and prestige of the veil, especially when its wearer is modern and integrated into society. This Islamic, college-based movement is claimed to be the reason for an overall increase in Islamic, modest dress in Egypt after the 1970's, and thus Guindi champions the covering of women as a means of increasing women's power. Furthermore, she cites the Iranian revolution that followed the mandate that no women should wear the chador as an example of the symbolic investment of the Islamic moral code in the veil itself. This public desire to wear the veil, especially among women, is one of the main points of Guindi's contention that the veil is not oppressive, inherently evil, or imposed in any place, but rather is valued by both men and women for its ability to confer protection, modesty, and the preservation of the family reputation.

Although examples, such as the Iranian Revolution, are present in the book, it seems that this is more a work about anthropological method and Arabic linguistics than it is a comprehensive review of veiling practices in Islamic culture. This criticism is supported by Guindi's spending an entire chapter on the etymology of the Arabic root h-r-m. Furthermore, the fact that she quotes other authors more than she presents her own interpretation, especially when discussing anthropological theory, gives the impression that the title of the book is a misnomer. Instead, the title An Anthropological View of Arabic Veiling Etymology seems more fitting than Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance. Indeed, Guindi becomes bogged down in presenting a theory-heavy point of view and spends far too few pages discussing the actual implications of and drives to veil. Despite Guindi's methodological merit of presenting a non-ethnocentric picture of modern veiling, she fails to provide a comprehensive study. She seems to oppose any sort of Western theory about the veil as false merely because it is Western and not because of its ethnographic or scholarly flaws. In this sense, Guindi seems to beg the question of a purely ethnocentric point of view in all modern scholarship on the veil but does little to actually refute the arguments of such culturally positioned scholars.

Furthermore, Guindi's evidence in favor of her own point of view, especially the reinstitution of the veil in Iranian Revolution, seems to not-so-deftly ignore the effects of forced veiling on women who oppose donning the veil. While championing Iranian women for reasserting their culture and using the veil in a positive manner, Guindi avoids discussing the cultural and even psychological effects of a forcibly imposed chador on women who dislike or oppose the idea of the veil. This is perhaps the largest gap in Guindi's argument, especially when she seems to casually dismiss the imposition of chador in Iran as universally accepted in Iranian culture with no significant opposition. Furthermore, Guindi dismisses "the hysterics in the Western media about women in Afghanistan" as culturally positioned (185). Yet there comes a point when the issue is no longer about "Western" indignation about the treatment of women, but rather about human indignation about the subjugation of humans. This forced veiling also occurs in Saudi Arabia and such a widespread practice cannot merely be ignored away.

On a more aesthetic note, the writing in the book itself does not readily lend itself to being read. The convoluted nature of the theory-heavy, anthropological language and the prolific use of Arabic words and phrases would leave many language purists balking. Furthermore, the organization of the text is not only difficult to understand, but also quite choppy, jumping from one seemingly unrelated topic to another. This makes for a difficult time trying identify Guindi's argument and also frustrates anyone trying to read the book in a substantive way. Describing the organizing scheme as "topical" seems to be generous. Indeed, jumping from the history of veiling to the current ethnocentric bias in anthropological research can hardly be described as organized or planned in any way.

Although Guindi's holistic anthropological method possesses great potential, the actual book she has produced is politically correct ad nauseum, and generally convoluted in both argument and syntax. Guindi's purpose of providing a comprehensive study of veiling becomes doomed in quicksand-like language and tedious anthropological theory. Her unequivocal championing of the veil is more biased than that of her "ethnocentric" colleagues, and, in this bias, Guindi commits the crime that she preaches against for the entire first section of the book.
Finally, Guindi's failure to address the situation of women who are forced to veil against their will seriously undermines argument. Given the promise of Guindi's method, the study she produced is disappointing. This reviewer hopes that Guindi's future efforts will produce lucid, insightful works that reflect their anthropological worth.

This refreshing book presents the concept of veiling without falling in the stereotyping that it usually carries with it. The work seems very precise and impartial as well as conformant with academic anthropological practice. Unique in its genre, one cannot imagine an anthopology student specializing in the arabic or islamic society not reading it. The inside look of the author, as well as her scientific outlook, is pervasive throughout the book. The most important aspect to notice is the non-ethnocentric nature of the work, unlike many other books on the subject, as well as a shrewed analysis of the interplay of religion, social structure, local customs and historical evolution in arab women's dress. The bibliography is also extensive and points toward other interesting works, and many of the inline references are gems in themselves (for example the description of the veiling of the Kaabah ceremony is rather unknown and worth reading). The illustrations and photographs are very helpful in showing the diversity of anthropological concepts related to veiling and its various functions (proxemics, social status, religious statement, etc...). Definitely an excellent read unmatched so far in the subject matter it covers.

Unfortunately, we Americans have been taught a view of Arab and Muslim cultures that are slanted by power politics, religious parochialism, and petrodollars.

In this definitive work, Dr. El Guindi presents the historic, religious, and cultural foundations for veiling clearly and succinctly. The best work on this subject, Dr. El Guindi has removed the layers of distortion and misconception in a way that is easily understandable to Westerners.

This fascinating and highly readable work is a must for any serious student of Middle-Eastern cultures. It is also a very important tool for anyone who seeks a better understanding of our rapidly shrinking global community.

I'd give this work more than five stars, if I could.

Kari Sprowl, M.A.

Fawda El Guindi's Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance is a treatise on a fascinating and oft-misunderstood topic, that of veiling in Middle Eastern society. Yet it is a seriously flawed work, containing both historical inaccuracies and overt political undertones, which undermine El Guindi's theorizing on her topic.

Due to her at times needlessly obtuse style, the main themes of "Veil..." are often subsumed underneath rhetoric. Simply, El Guindi's ethnographic work amongst Egyptian students in the early 1970s and 1980s had put her in an ideal situation to watch the formation of the student movement known as mitdayyinin, "the state of being religious". Influenced by the perceived victory of Egyptian forces in the October/Ramadan War of 1973 (1), some students began to reject the Western-style dress that had been popularized by modernizing states (Turkey and Egypt, especially). The mitydayyinin emphasized dressing in an 'Islamic' manner, a way of dress that has spread throughout the Muslim world and is often called 'ethnic Muslim' dress , despite it only being some 31 years old. That the mitdayyinin's use of veiling and modesty, something which is seen in most discourse as disempowering, actually represented the opposite to the mitdayyinin, is the foundation of El Guindi's theory of veiling: that all former discourse on the subject, not being from an Arab point of view, is ethnocentric, disempowering, sexist, and racist (a fallacious point familiar to every scholar who has had to deconstruct Edward Said's seminal "Orientalism").

One of the main weaknesses of Veil is its very structure. Rather than presenting a coherent argument, it reads instead like a cobbled-together collection of articles, with only cursory editing. Indeed, significant portions of Veil are taken verbatim from an article by El Guindi in Fashion Theory, 3:1, with nary a word changed. Whilst making use of previous work is a completely acceptable practice, El Guindi includes her own work in "Veil..."'s bibliography no less than thirty-three times, and uses erratic methods of citation (the current author noticed at least four). Although this can be seen as academic nitpicking, it does, in the current author's eye, reduce her academic credit. By being unwilling to go outside her own fieldwork for any evidence of true relevance (nearly all other sources are criticized as being "Western", part of the "Judeo-Christian program of proselytizing (3)", or "ethnocentric", whether written by people of Arabic decent or no), El Guindi is guilty of insular intellectual thought, rendering her ideas unassailable by outside criticism.

So concerned is El Guindi with presenting the uniqueness of Muslim dress, that she often fails to mention obvious ethnographic or historic corollaries. For example, whilst she declares, quoting Hansen, that "autonomy, independence and authority can be seen...in Bahrain where 'each home is locked with a padlock...[and] each woman carried the key to her house tied to her headcloth'", there is no mention of the medieval woman's chatelain, a garment around the waist similar in function and ideology. In modern Bahrain, modesty and female power are concentrated in the hair and head covering, whilst in medieval Europe, it was centered on the waist. Despite their different forms, the ideological function and statements are the same: a 'good' woman carries the keys to home.

Amongst other examples of Al Guindi's attempt at exclusive understanding is the statement that "[the] interweaving of space and time, as individuals move in and out during the course of the day between worldly and sacred spheres is distinctly, perhaps uniquely, Islamic". That this statement is contentious is obvious to anyone with even a cursory familiarity with either theology or the anthropology of religion, in that many disparate religious groups see each moment as being lived in the transitory moments 'twidst sacred and worldly time. Although the daily calls to prayer and the rakat that follow can be seen as unique to Islam, the interruption of daily affairs for moments of sacral importance can be especially observed in Orthodox Judaism, monastic Christianity, and the Brahmins of India, all of which share with Islam a concern for orthopraxy (4).

In the end El Guindi's theoretical perspectives are undermined by her polemicizing. Although Veil contains some chapters of solid scholarship (including an, albeit brief, section on male veiling), El Guindi's blatant politicizing and unwillingness to accept outside theory render "Veil..." a much weaker book than it might have been. The current author finds El Guindi's statement that the concerns of human rights organizations over the health and safety of women "in Afghanistan as the Taliban are consolidating their power...[results from] [t]he hysterics in the Western media...feed[ing] from ethnocentrism and feed[ing] into a reaction of extremism" leaves him with a sinking feeling of anthropological unprofessionalism and a chilling denial of reality. Unfortunately, the definitive ethnographic work on the process of veiling has yet to be written.

(1) El Guindi refers to the conflict in glowing terms, as if it "brought about victory over Israel in the name of Islam". In fact, as noted by J.L. Esposito, the conflict was a loss for Egypt, despite the defeat of Israel's famed Bar Lev line. What truly motivated the Arab world was the propaganda of then-President of Egypt Anwar Saddat. For details on the aftermath of the October War upon the ideology of the Muslim world, see John Esposito, "Islam: The Straight Path": 160.

(2) Attesting to the power of their dress the mitdayyinin later came to be called Islamiyyin, a term which remains to this day. In addition, the women's dress has come to be known as al-ziyy al-Islami, "Islamic dress".

(3) It is noteworthy that throughout the work, El Guindi ignores that Islam itself is a proselytizing religion.

(4) El Guindi's reticence in mentioning any similarities between Islam, Judaism, and Christianity is an unfortunate thread running throughout the work.

The influence of the ideas of western feminism combined with Islamic principals is described eloquently in this book. The rich history of veiling, Islam and colonization are thoroughly described. It is complete as well as exciting to read.

I had to read this book for an anthropoly class, and I must say that it is the worst book that I have ever read. There are over 100 sources, and the author qoutes all of them in an unjointed and disinteresting way. I would agree that there is a lot of information contained in the book, but overall, it isn't worth the time or effort to read. There are better sources available that can give a better and more clear insight about the veil.