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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
41 of 57 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Landis on Syria is smart,
By A Customer
This review is from: The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (Cambridge Middle East Studies) (Paperback)
It's unfortunate that the editor of this volume felt it necessary to close the book with an epilogue by a big name. At least some of the articles are better than that.The most interesting piece, I think, is Landis on Syria's involvement in the 1948 war. Landis in fact contradicts the title of the volume -- "The War for Palestine" -- when he shows that Palestine and Palestinians were the last thing on Syria's mind in 1948 (and probably since then). By looking at the diaries and unofficial documents of the president and prime minister of Syria during 1948, and by seeing what they had to say about why Syria was in the war in the first place, Landis makes obvious that it was FEAR OF JORDAN (and, of course, Great Britain), rather than any love of Palestinians, that pushed Syria into a conflict it most certainly knew it would lose. In short, Syria was scared to death that Jordan's King 'Abdullah was about to fulfill his "Greater Syria Plan," namely the Jordanian annexation of Syria and Damascus. The animosity between Amman and Damascus is an old story, but Landis shows how Arab nationalism in the name of the Palestinians was the sheerest of cheesecloths with which simple Arab backstabbing was covered up. The overriding concern of Syria, at least, was not to be pushed into the sea by Jordan. Not for the last time in Middle Eastern history, the Palestinians were only an easy PR excuse to mobilize troops -- first for Jordan, in an effort to impose the Greater Syria Plan, and then for Syria, in an attempt to stop it. Underneath it all, Landis argues that the hate that inspired the 1948 war was Arab vs. Arab. Until the 1948 war is seen for what it was -- namely an Arab civil war, a war of Arabs against themselves -- the location of Israel in that war will never really be understood. And, I dare say, until the Arab countries honestly confront this war over Arab identity and nationalism, Israelis and Palestinians will continue to be the excuses -- the sheerest cheesecloth -- with which Arab governments cover over their weaknesses and ugly internecine stuggles. I give the book five stars for Landis alone.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful:
1.0 out of 5 stars
Terrible,
Amazon Verified Purchase(What's this?)
This review is from: The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (Cambridge Middle East Studies) (Paperback)
These essayists (Benny Morris, Avi Shlaim, Rashid Khalidi and Edward Said and others), consider all previous historical accounts "Zionist propaganda," as Yehoshua Porath observes in his important summer, 2002 review in Azure. Actually, this book is propaganda, not the reverse. These essays weakly attempt to recast Israel's 1947 and 1948 fight for survival --- and fail.
There is nothing new to the idea that Israel instigated the flight of Arabs from Israel in 1947 and 1948, but the falsity of these accusations has been proved time and again by extensive historical research since 1948. Israel did not deliberately expel Arabs. Taken on together, or case by case, such claims are easily disproved. Inhabitants of Saffuriya, for example, accuse Israel of ethnic cleansing. But in the 1930s, the village hosted anti-Jewish radicals and in 1948 it was headquarters for Arab Liberation Army leader Fawzi al-Qawuqji, who ignored the June 11, 1948 U.N. truce. Thus inhabitants fled en masse, expecting "revenge for their numerous onslaughts upon Jews," --- before the IDF captured the village, according to historical documents, military orders, oral testimonies and diaries cited in Yoav Gelber's Palestine 1948 (p. 165). These authors also accuse Israel by selectively citing certain items but neglecting critical contextual factors that disprove their allegations. Contrary to this book's contention, "civil war in Palestine" did not "break out" on Nov. 30, 1947. The "outbreak" wasn't spontaneous, but a well organized series of Arab riots and attacks targeting Jewish communities and people after Arab commanders, leaders and neighboring nations rejected the U. N. Partition Plan--which Israel had just accepted. These authors, like many other anti-Israel dogmatists, harp on 100 Arabs killed at Deir Yassin. They neglect to mention that the village was a militant stronghold, and was central to Arab attacks on the roads to Jerusalem, intended to cut off the city's access to Jews. Iraqi combatants had settled in Deir Yassin, and joined local aggressors. Arab men dressed in women's clothes and opened fire. They weren't innocent civilians. Likewise, Arabs at a Haifa refinery murdered 50 Jewish civilian co-workers on Dec. 30, 1947 and Arabs slaughtered 80 civilian Jewish medical workers and professors on Apr. 13, 1948. The sole motivation were the victims' Jewish faith. For his part, Rashid Khalidi focuses on 1948 Palestinian Arab failures--criticizing Jerusalem Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini. Yet he ignores Haj Amin's alliance with Hitler, his wartime refuge in Berlin, his anti-Jewish Berlin radio broadcasts, and his personal request that Hitler refuse to spare 400,000 Hungarian Jews in exchange for military supplies. Haj Amin also elicited a Nazi promise to exterminate Israel's Jews. Nor does Khalidi mention Palestinian Arab murders of all but two 131 prisoners who surrendered at Etzion Bloc. Avi Shlaim claims that Jewish soldiers vastly outnumbered 25,000 Arab soldiers. But as Porath notes, Israel's Jewish people totaled no more than 750,000, could find no more fighters, and exhausted their resources mounting their self-defense, while seven Arab nations opposing them could easily have drafted far more soldiers from their combined populations of more than 50 million. Finally, comes the late Edward Said, writing on his family's "flight" from Jerusalem's Talbieh neighborhood. The details confirm--like many 1948, 1949 and 1950 Arab newspaper articles, radio broadcasts, U.N. and Arab League statements and personal Arab accounts--that Arab leaders' urgent calls for Palestinian flight, resulted in massive, voluntary urban Palestinian departures. Said claims to have been forced to leave. His own details contradict him. Despite these essayists claims, 1947 and 1948 Arab attacks on Jews were very significant, and existential threats, just like frequent publicly announced plans to destroy Israel at its birth. --Alyssa A. Lappen
40 of 60 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Bravo to Avi Shlaim,
By A Customer
This review is from: The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (Cambridge Middle East Studies) (Paperback)
The reason why this book is very controversial in Israel is because it attempts to shatter all the myths surrounding the 1948 victory of the Jewish community in establishing a de-facto state without consideration to the Palestinian population. Myths such as "a land without people for a people without land", "arabs flee the fighting voluntarily", "Israel's victory is a miracle given that 5 arab states attacked concurrently" and "Israel accepted the 1947 UN partition while the Arabs rejected it", are proven to be false through a series of references to British and Israel archives that have been recently de-classified. I recommend this book to anyone who is interested in learning how lies can be craftly fabricated and propagated down generations. I am pleased that some historians in Israel are accepting that the existence of Israel to fulfill the right to self-determination for the Jews can not be moraly justified if it deprives the Palestinians of their very same right, nor can this state expect itself to survive in peace and harmony if its grave mistakes are not recitifed.
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