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Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance

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I picked this book up in order to write my Master's thesis on dissidence and collective action in rural China. The last thing I expected to be was entertained, but most of this book is actually very good and fun reading. True, the other part is highly academic, but still accessible and absolutely essential to understanding the dynamics of change in authoritarian societies.

Before Scott published his book, the dominant model for understanding participation in authoritarian societies did not extend far beyond institutional and client-patron models. Scott breaks away from this mode and demonstrates how ordinary, powerless people in repressive societies can still manage to influence policies, through such actions as sabotage, foot-dragging, and gossip. This model makes it much easier to understand, for example, how China reformed its agricultural system (although this book is about a Malaysian village, it is easily applied to most any country one wishes to study).

Essential reading for political scientists and sociologists alike. After reading this book, you will have a whole different view of how change is affected, and a more sophisticated frame of analysis.

I read this book in college and loved it because it was informative and readable, a rare combination. I didn't appreciate the value of its insights until many years later, though, when I became a corporate consultant tasked with driving organizational change. When people talk about getting buy-in, empowerment, and other workplace democracy concepts, they are all about avoiding the negative dynamics that top-down command-and-control micro-management so often elicits. Those dynamics are the same ones documented in this book.

Through an observation of a peasant community in Malaysia, Scott maintains that traditional and classic theories on forms of resistance and protest are actually wrong. In proving this, he also proves that class-consciousness and labor relations are not universal and are not similar to one another. Scott believes however that these forms of resistance are common in all peasant societies and take the same shaping. Scott supports his main argument by stating that although is widely believed that peasants cannot struggle or resist oppression because of their "false conciseness" the peasants do indeed resist but not through what we have learned to accept and know what traditionally has been defined as resistance.

Peasants, Scott argues, have their own forms of resistance which have not until now been looked into. The resistance or protest of peasants in the Malaysian village of Sedaka may not be collective and organized but they certainly exist. Simply because the Sedaka villagers do not protest in what we have come to know as "protest" that does not prove that there is no resistance or opposition to authority, change in labor relations, or social changes. Instead of revolution, the peasants choose what the author calls "the weapons of the poor:" silent non-compliance, gossip, character murder, petty sabotage, small theft and pilferage. The common characteristics in these acts of resistance are almost invisible and non-coordinated. The reasons behind these acts are not straightforward: do the poor steal in order to feed their families or do they do so in order to hurt the rich in the village?

Scott goes further into predicting that the weapons of the poor may not directly create a new order, they are effective in mitigating the process of marginalisation and therefore have made impact overtime in social changes and history.

James Scott study of the Malaysian village he calls "Sedaka" (alms) shows a unique opposition to Marx's idea of mystifying ideologies. Marx's theory is understood that the core of society is class conflict. This conflict is what drives things forward; it will eventually lead to the proletariat realizing that they are being exploited and a radical reformation of society as it is. The proletariat, no longer chained down by bourgeoisie hegemony, would revolt and cause other epochal change.
The people of Sedaka are portrayed very realistically in the sense that Scott does not leave any element out. He is extremely detailed in his theoretical criticisms as well by arguing against the idea that these people fit into any one theory. Most noticeably, Scott critiques Marx who said that ideologies were mystifying, meaning that the proletariat did not know that they were being exploited. Scott points out rather obviously that these people are well aware of the way in which they are treated and as a result engage in a variety of forms of resistance.
Understanding the village dynamics is key in understanding the ways in which theory can be applied or disproved. Scott uses Chapter one to lay out exactly how the villagers interact with one another. He introduces to opposing extreme characters Razah and Haji Broom. Chapter two explains resistance and its history. It is here where he explores Gramsci's concept of hegemony, which he later disproves. Chapter three explores resistance in the Malaysian context. The relationship between classes as well as the relationship that classes have to the state is also discussed.
During the second half of the book, Scott writes on the changes that occurred due to the green revolution. Major societal changes were a result of double cropping, the mechanization of farming, and combine harvesting. The ideologies that had been upheld for generations began to deteriorate with the arrival of the new ideologies associated with capitalism: greed, self-interest, accumulation, maxim profit at the lowest cost, etc. Scott discusses hegemony and questions whether or not it is upheld by false consciousness, or is slowly being worn down by acts of resistance.
The final two chapters of the book explore more deeply what exactly Scott meant by resistance, what Marx meant by false consciousness, and similarly what Gramsci called hegemony. Scott concludes that even though the term resistance is still debated, in his opinion, the people of Sedaka are actively engaging in both individual and collective acts of resistance. False consciousness and hegemony are two ideas that he sees as false because they imply that the subordinate class is not aware of their position in society.

Although the true definition of "peasant" has lost its value in modern times, there are some general characteristics that still ring true throughout history. Aside from select groups of minorities , the peasant class usually represents the least paid individuals, the least respected or honored, and the most ignored when it comes to politics and legal rights. Throughout history peasants have existed solely as an afterthought to societal changes, and continue to be repressed and exploited by their affluent counterparts. In Weapons of the Weak, James Scott explores why the struggling peasantry do not openly rise up in candid, united rebellion after years of subjugation.
One of the first messages Scott opens with is, "peasant rebellions--let alone peasant revolutions--are few and far between. The vast majority are crushed unceremoniously. When, more rarely, they do succeed, it is a melancholy fact that the consequences are seldom what the peasantry has in mind" (Scott xvi). This excerpt shows one of Scott's explanations for the lack of overt peasant revolution--that even when the peasantry rebel, their poor socioeconomic status will remain intact or pushed farther down the societal food chain. In order to argue his point further, Scott uses a case study of a Malaysian village called "Sedaka" during the time of the Green Revolution. He chooses this particular village to understand the struggle between the rich and the poor as Sedaka applies capitalist methods to their preexisting agricultural methods.
He characterizes "the struggle between the rich and the poor in Sedaka" as "not merely a struggle over work, property rights, grain and cash" but also "a struggle over the appropriation of symbols, [a struggle] over how the past and present shall be understood and labeled, [a struggle] to identify causes and assess blame, and a contentious effort to give partisan meaning to local history" (xvii). Specifically Scott uses the stories of two members of Sedaka, Haji Broom and Razak to illustrate the struggle, and the relationship between the rich and the poor. Razak and Haji Broom are on polar spectrums of the socio-economic society. They depict the general way Sedakan society reacts to the exploitive, arrogant, rich farmers, as well as how they react to the the dishonest, poor, and lazy peasant.
After Scott establishes the interactions between the rich and poor in Sedaka, he discusses the political and social influence they have on each other. Scott's critical argument here is targeted toward a specific (and popular) Marxian theorist named Antonio Gramsci. Unlike Gramsci's theory about false consciousness and hegemony, Scott argues that the peasants do not comply with the will of the bourgeoisie because they don't know better--but because of a multitude of largely material and some ideological reasons. Scott critiques Gramsci, saying that, "the concept of hegemony ignores the extent to which most subordinate classes are able, on the basis of their daily material experience, to penetrate and demystify the prevailing ideology" (38). One reason among others that peasants passively comply with their exploitive employers is called "self-protecting compliance" (280). Instead of active rebellion, peasants quietly resist, soil the reputation of the large farmers (bourgeoisie) and constitute what Scott calls, "the weapons of the weak" (29).
Scott continues his arguments more in depth throughout the chapters, and at the end he asks readers to question Gramsci's strict argument on hegemony and false consciousness. Not only that, but he also brings up Marx's theories, who argues that because the peasants perceive their place in society as normal, they will not rebel because they do not know any better to do so. Scott concludes by conceding that his own theories might seem pessimistic for the prospects of revolutionary change because "petty amenities and minor humanities" (350) are too small of actions to ever create change for the peasantry class. However, he does say that his theories are "a realistic assessment of the fate workers and peasants in most revolutionary states--a fate that makes melancholy reading when set against the revolutionary promise" (350). Because open, universal peasant revolution is rare and often unproductive, Scott writes that it is all the more reason to hold on to the abstract optimism that comes in "ridicule, in truculence, in irony, in petty acts of noncompliance, in foot dragging...to hold one's own against overwhelming odds--a spirit and practice that prevents the worst and promises something better" (350).

In understanding Chinese political violence in my Master's thesis I tried to show political power as it actually exists and functions in real life. To do this I used Scott's work, whose focus on orthopraxy over orthodoxy, miniture rebellion and slander began in this work and was continued in "Domination and the Arts of Resistance". Scott is insightful, clear and important: he shows how the elite try to raise the stakes of rebellion past what is acceptable to the subordinate and how the subordinate use the lowest risk, yet highly effective, tools of rebellion at their disposal. Required reading for those trying to understand politics without becoming mired in gross oversimplification.

James Scott's case study examines the lives of individuals living in a minute village in Malaysia, in which he calls Sedaka. This rice-farming community in the region of Kedah has experienced many "green revolutions," making the gap between the villages rich and poor exponentially oppressive. Scott's novel depicts issues of class resistance, class exertion and inherent class powerhouses, offering these matters a sense of both sensible and conjectural significance. The struggle of the poor correlated to their marginalization and their economic negligence. Scott uses many short stories throughout his ethnography, conveying the notion that these chronicles have a much more powerful influence, one that is culturally complex, yet divulges into the true social and societal livelihoods of what has become contextually and ideologically traditional.
Scott first steps into the life of Razak, one of the poorer members of Sedaka, who, because of his lack of access to a resourceful form of transportation and his meager monetary funds, tragically lost both his son and daughter. Razak, a roofer, was considered to be an isolated member of society, constantly being separated from the other men in his village. Razak is referred to as the "down and out" of Sedaka and is deemed virtually an embarrassment to the village. Scott displays Razak as an outcast of society, treated as an unequal, instantly portraying the class system that involved Sedaka. It was evident that other villagers perceived him on a lesser level, emulating that once the majority of the society has formed a sense of superiority, it is rarely discontinued. Scott conveys social norms Kazak experiences every day and how they are constantly forcing him to be in a vulnerably suppressive state, that makes him the decoy for humiliation.
Social standings could be redefined by visitation rights of villagers- "Visiting, except between equals, was always done up the status ladder in the village...the pattern of visits served to define the village status hierarchy" (Scott, 3). Scott conveys that visiting villager's houses was one way to display class difference; those with more maintained houses, were on a higher social level than those whose houses were more run down. There is a direct relationship between religious status and landowning, where the landowners were naturally views as the wealthy class, and were therefore financially able to make the pilgrimage to Mecca. The landowners were also the individuals who owned the means of production in Sedaka and were therefore considered the dominant class. In Muda, land is unequally divided, where 61.8% of families owning land are considered to be below the poverty line. Because the ownership of land is directly related to social standing, Scott implies that this is the reason that there are poor maintain poor- since land is not cheap. In chapter 3 he talks about the economic aspect of the Malay people. The rice trade is what ultimately connects them to the larger market forces. And explains how the growth of industries has not lessened Malaysian reliance of trade. And in chapter four he explains that inequality is evident through and individuals wardrobe, house, they type of food they consume, the furniture they own, their farm equipment or lack thereof, the size of their farm, and ultimately, their income. The population in Sedaka has significantly increased, whereas the amount of available land has remained unchanged, or decreased, proving that there is clearly not enough land, work or money circulating around the region. As capitalism is introduced in chapter 6, it is evident that there becomes less and less work for the poor. Their only means of survival is sharing and offering charity to one another.
Scotts' main focus revolves around the theory of hegemony. Hegemony essentially means the way the dominant class controls the mindset of the oppressed class. The poor are all thinking the way the rich want them to think and they blame themselves for the destruction of the system. Scott argues against this theory, stating that peasants know full well what is going on in their society and that they comprehend every aspect of their society but do not rebel.

There is little debate among contemporary social theorists of the existence of oppression in the world; historically, peasants have always been exploited by the elite classes. The argument in question, then, is not whether this exploitation exists, but how? Why would the proletariat, who are "used and abused" by the wealthy, tolerate such behavior? One of the most popular answers to this timeless question is provided by Karl Marx, who believed in the concept of hegemony. Hegemony is defined simply as "domination."Marx believed that the peasants would not revolt because they "think like the wealthy want them to think." Scott, the author of this captivating ethnography entitled Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, sets out to prove the opposite. According to Scott, the peasants' mindsets are not controlled by the dominant class; the proletariot are fully aware of the situation they are in. Because the poor are rational, however, they choose not to rebel. Rather than revolt against the current system and risk results that might be even more domineering, the poor participate in what is referred to as "partial compliance." This ethnography begins by tackling the background of the reasons for using "everyday forms of resistance," like the Green Revolution. Scott then progresses to outlining the most common types of partial compliance- "the prosaic but constant struggle between the peasantry and those who seek to extract labor, food, taxes, rents, and interest from them" (29). Next, Weapons of the Weak addresses the means by which these acts of quasi obedience are carried out by the poor, along with their level of success when implemented correctly. Finally, this book concludes with Scott's objective of developing "a deeper appreciation of everyday forms of symbolic resistance," and his hope of bringing the "insights from Sedaka in touch with the larger issues of the social experience of class and the typical contexts of class struggle" (304).

In order to be aware of just how significant these forms of partial compliance are, it is first necessary to understand how they are defined. Scott does an excellent job of this. He states that such forms of class struggle "require little or no cooperation or planning" (29). In addition, they often "represent a form of individual self-help," and "typically avoid any direct symbolic confrontation with authority or with elite norms" (29). Lastly, and perhaps most importantly, these acts of defiance are "unlikely to marginally affect the various forms of exploitation that peasants confront" (30). Scott's analysis and description of the "weapons of the weak" are not only comprehensive, but acute. It is through his perceptions of the situation in Sedaka that people less familiar with "partial compliance" can learn about and gain familiarity with this remarkable concept.

I thought that Weapons of the Weak was very interesting because even in our society it applies. People are always resisting in small ways against their bosses by either taking long breaks or coming in late but having someone sign them in showing they got there on time. I enjoyed reading this ethnography because it is well put together and every section flows into the next making perfect sense. Even though the ethnography is a tad on the long side I think that the stories that give it its length are very helpful in helping the reader to understand just what Scott is talking about. The book did a fantastic job in telling how people resist in little ways and how they see their resistance as the only way to get back at the rich or those who exploit them. I definitely think that it not only has to do with the village of Sedaka but it also has to do with all people and cultures because in one-way or another everyone resists.

This is an excellent book. However, there are serious shortcomings. I don't understand why Scott deliberately ignored two major peasant demonstrations in the state of Kedah in the 1980s. I suppose taking these into account would have contradicted his exaltation of the everyday forms of resistance. Surely we expect a social scientist and especially a Malaysian expert to be knowledgeable of different kinds of resistance among the peasantry. Furthermore, I would have expected Scott to explore the relationship between resistance and social change. I really wonder the concept of everyday forms of resistance can really address the class expoitation of the peasantry. Scott's works have been quite influential in Malaysia.