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Welcome to the Homeland: A Journey to the Rural Heart of America's Conservative Revolution
 
 
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Welcome to the Homeland: A Journey to the Rural Heart of America's Conservative Revolution [Hardcover]

Brian Mann (Author)
3.4 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (5 customer reviews)


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Book Description

August 22, 2006
After George Bush’s stunning reelection in 2004, newspaper headlines such as “Rural Values Proved Pivotal” summed up the story, and the outcome left tens of millions of urban Americans baffled and outraged.
America’s political divide is not between red states and blue states. The divide is between counties in every state in the nation, and this urban—rural schism is the new frontier in America’s culture war.
For the first time, Welcome to the Homeland explores the radically different culture evolving just over the horizon of our urban beltways, and explains how Homelanders – Mann’s name for the nation’s fifty million rural whites – have managed to dominate the conservative base of the Republican Party, the Senate, and the Supreme Court, and to use the electoral college, which favors small states, to their advantage. Ultimately, Homelanders are fighting to create a new national culture, one rooted in the traditional values of nineteenth-century America.
In a nation that grows more urban and multiracial every year, how did Homelanders seize so much power? In a unique blend of travelogue, political analysis, and family memoir, Mann unveils a grassroots movement that has done the impossible, reversing the urban tide of American politics.

Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

Forget the red state/blue state divide—the real fault line is between progressive metropolitan and suburban areas in every region and the conservative rural sea surrounding them, asserts this trenchant study of American politics. Drawing on demographic, polling and voting data and interviews, journalist Mann analyzes the disconnect between overwhelmingly Republican rural "homelanders," who vote their traditional values and Christian moral certitudes, and an urban "metro" culture whose cosmopolitanism, secularism and relativism they revile. An avowed moderate pushed leftward by Bush's policies, his attitude is respectful but conflicted. Mann chides liberal pundits (Thomas Frank's What's the Matter with Kansas? is a favorite target) for caricaturing homelanders as rubes gulled by Republican culture wars rhetoric into voting against their interests. Instead he finds them thoughtful, politically savvy (aided by a Constitution that grants them disproportionate electoral clout) and adroit in commandeering government policy and largesse. But he remains frustrated in his attempts to translate across the ideological gap—"It's my nature, I guess," mutters his staunchly conservative brother when pressed on his convictions—and views rural conservatism as parasitic and doomed. Although inadequate in spots—he says little about class, for example—Mann's is a lucid, provocative contribution to the conversation over America's political future. (Sept. 1)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Review

""Welcome to the Homeland" is clearly meant for someone like me, a native New Yorker....(Mann) argues, persuasively to my mind, that guns and godliness and unease over gays can be genuine interests (in rural America)...Mann's advice to those who would like to see more Democratic victories is to drop their airs of "irony and superiority," and begin to show empathy for their country cousins."
—New York Times Book Review

"Brian Mann turns to geography to help explain the nation's deep cultural divisions. [He] believes that the mainstream media has done rural voters ('homelanders') a disservice with parachute-in coverage of places that city dwellers ('metros') just don't understand. . . .Mann writes persuasively about the fundamental disparities of U.S. democracy, which give an edge to smaller states . . . But he is most compelling when talking about the differences between his 'metro' beliefs and those of his 'homelander' brother, a devout conservative whose worldview Mann just cannot comprehend. . . . The conversations between Mann and his brother Allen, his ambassador to the other side, do much to illuminate the differences in values between rural and urban America" — The Los Angeles Times

"Mann, a public-radio reporter, produces one of the best books to date on the putative red-blue divide by focusing on interpersonal micropolitics (much of the book consists of a running dialogue with his more conservative brother) as well as macro trends that often get left out of the debate (the fact, say, that atheists and agnostics are the fastest-growing religious groups in the country) and that complicate the dominant perception of politicized evangelical hordes rising in lockstep."
— The Atlantic Monthly

"Inevitably, Mann's book will be compared to What's the Matter With Kansas: How Conservatives Won the Heart of America. The author of that book, Thomas Frank, made a big splash two years ago . . . Frank believes rural voters who support the Republicans are often unable to discern their self-interest and often are downright bamboozled. Mann believes those same rural voters have defined their self-interest clearly and know precisely what they are doing when entering the voting booth.
The biggest difference between the two books, however, is Mann's use of his beloved brother as foil and muse and seer. The contrast between the two men is endlessly fascinating, while also providing a compelling narrative structure."
— The Kansas City Star

"Forget the red state-blue state divide- the real fault line is between progressive metropolitan areas in every region and the conservative rural sea surrounding them, asserts this trenchant study of American politics. Drawing on demographic, polling and voting data and interviews, journalist Mann analyzes the disconnect between overwhelmingly Republican rural "homelanders," who vote their traditional values and Christain moral certitudes, and an urban "metro" culture whose cosmopolitan, secularism, and relativism they revile. An avowed moderate pushed leftward by Bush's policies, his attitude is respectful but conflicted. Mann chides liberal pundits (Thomas Frank's What's the Matter with Kansas? is a favorite target) for caricaturing homelanders as rubes gulled by Republican culture-wars' rhetoric into voting against their interests. Instead, he finds them thoughtful, politically savvy (aided by a Constitution that grants them disproportionate electoral clout) and adroit in commandeering government policy and largesse. But he remains frustrated in his attempts to translate across the ideological gap - "It's my nature, I guess," mutters his staunchly conservative brother when pressed on his convictions- and views rural conservatism as parasitic and doomed. Although inadequate in spots- he says little about class, for example- Mann's is a lucid, provocative contribution to the conversation over America's political future."
Publishers Weekly

"'Welcome to the Homeland' is written as a message, and a warning, to metro readers: Rural Americans are not the hapless rubes of TV shows and smug big-city editorials. On the contrary, America's 50 million rural, predominantly white citizens, Mr. Mann believes, are a force to be reckoned with -- the most powerful "minority" in the country. And they are a population to be understood rather than condescended to... The book is strongest when Mr. Mann is visiting small towns, talking to rural preachers about faith or to shop owners about foreign policy.... He has a reporter's eye, capturing people and places succinctly. And his accounts of his conversations have the immediacy of good newspaper writing."
— Paul Beston, Wall Street Journal

"Brian Mann has lived the rural life and the political divide that splits urban and rural places. It splits his own family. Mann shows that family harmony isn't all that's at stake in the urban-rural divide. The nation's political future depends on this political and cultural gap. Welcome to the Homeland dives into the gap, and comes up with perspectives that just might surprise rural and urban folk who believe they already have each other pegged."
Howard Berkes, Rural Affairs Correspondent National Public Radio


"Are you 'city' or 'country'? As Brian Mann shows us, the answer to that question reveals a lot about ourselves and the current politics of the U.S. Rural and urban America have rarely been so divided, and Welcome to the Homeland explains the rural insurrection driving the nation's conservative politics.
— Dr. Larry J. Sabato, Director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia, and author of Divided States of America

"Brian Mann has worked as hard at covering rural America as any reporter
in this country. His feel for what's going on out here in the hinterlands is deep and powerful--this book is a perfect complement to Tom Franks' What's the Matter with Kansas, and a necessary volume on any political shelf."
— Bill McKibben, author of Wandering Home

Product Details

  • Hardcover: 296 pages
  • Publisher: Steerforth; First Edition edition (August 22, 2006)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 1586421115
  • ISBN-13: 978-1586421113
  • Product Dimensions: 9.1 x 6 x 1.1 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 14.4 ounces
  • Average Customer Review: 3.4 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (5 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #1,402,128 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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19 of 20 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars Good insight into our current political situation, October 10, 2006
By 
Doran Blue (Sudbury, MA USA) - See all my reviews
This review is from: Welcome to the Homeland: A Journey to the Rural Heart of America's Conservative Revolution (Hardcover)
Brian Mann provides the historical background to show why the vote of the urban masses ("metros') can't prevail against a conservative rural minority ("homelanders"). The electoral colleges, two senators per state and Republican gerrymandering of congressional districts gives the exurban and rural populace a political power far greater than their population.

Mann tries to understand the homelander point of view to see if it will provide clues as to how to turn the situation around. He remains baffled at how a few non-negotiable issues (abortion, school prayer) and an unshakeable respect for authority (at least, when that authority is George W. Bush) give the homelanders a lockhold on the nation's political agenda.

The author admires the organization and focus of the rural conservatives, which enables them to get out the vote. However, he also gives examples of how, even with power in hand, conservatives will be challenged to implement their values in a larger, more progressive society -- ie, even if abortion is banned, shotgun weddings are unlikely to make a comeback.

This is a thoughtful account. It illimunates the current political standoff as well as the difficulties in moving beyond it.
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30 of 41 people found the following review helpful:
3.0 out of 5 stars Homelanders in Control - For now (3.5*s), September 29, 2006
This review is from: Welcome to the Homeland: A Journey to the Rural Heart of America's Conservative Revolution (Hardcover)
National election returns emphasize Red states versus Blue states with Red states seemingly swamping Blue states, but, as this book demonstrates, the political divide in the US is really one of rural and outer suburbs versus large cities and inner suburbs. It is the rural conservatives which the author refers to as "homelanders," who were decisive in reelecting George Bush in 2004; urbanites are called "metros." As the author clearly delineates, there is a huge cultural divide between these two main groupings that transcends state boundaries. In this book, it is the author's intent to understand "homelanders," which includes his brother, a staunch mid-western conservative. He, more often than not, takes his brother's views as exemplary of the entire conservative bloc. The homelander-metro divide is insightful, however one has the sense that homelanders are not well captured, especially their rationalizations.

The power of rural conservatives is derived from several factors. They are mostly white and are highly religious, identifying with so-called traditional values and disdaining modern acceptance of gay, gender, freedom of expression, and lifestyle developments. Their homogeneity is reflected in their bloc voting for conservative candidates. Constitutional structure gives rural states disproportionate voting power, both in the Electoral College and in the Senate, well beyond population numbers. Additionally, the redrawing of districts throughout the country has diluted urban voting strength by interspersing rural voters. Because the rural conservative bloc is so monolithic, it now dictates to the Republican Party on some matters, like immigration and Supreme Court justices, much to the chagrin of more moderate members of the party. However, the author shows that demographic trends do not favor rural conservatives, who are older and are dying. More liberal urban populations are swelling, especially with the influx of immigrants.

A major attempt of the author is to show that rural conservatives are not simply ignorant reactionaries, especially because his brother is in that group. Here, the book takes a rather unconvincing turn. Despite liberty being a fundamental tenet in America, rural conservatives seem inclined to support restricting freedoms concerning gays and women, speech, and religion. Rights for partners, abortion, flag-burning, media content, prayer in school, posting of religious symbols in public, gun control, etc are all issues where rural conservatives oppose urban dwellers and are at odds with developments over the last half century. The author is unwilling to squarely face their bigotry, intolerance, and willingness to coercively impose their views.

Furthermore, rural conservatives refuse to see that their alliance with the big-business wing of the Republican Party is fundamentally contradictory. Big businesses are not moral entities. Their main "value" is to enhance profits, which can have profoundly negative consequences for family and community values. It is big business that owns the media companies that produce content offensive to traditionalists; it is big business that has gratuitously shipped jobs out of the country and shut down manufacturing plants where many rural residents worked; furthermore, big business does not support a moral agenda of being anti-gay and pro-religion. The author makes a brief reference to populism, but doesn't capture the fact that the populists, that is, rural farmers, of the 1880s and 90s opposed corporate machinations that harmed them and supported government ownership of utilities and railroads, which is hardly in accordance with the current litany of conservatives demonizing Big Government. An inconvenient fact, as the author points out, is the huge farm subsidies that the government grants to these same anti-government conservatives.

To get at the authenticity of rural conservative thought, the author really should have discussed right-wing propaganda and its impact on rural conservatives. There is no doubt that televised images of the civil rights movement and the anti-war movement greatly alarmed rural dwellers in the 1960s and 70s. But that was merely the starting point for right-wing media and think tanks to associate un-American ideas and behavior with cities, Democrats, and any non-traditionalists. Character assassination of those leading a metro lifestyle, especially if a Democrat, has reach crescendo proportions completely obliterating any room for substantive dialog - one need only have witnessed the vicious attacks on John Kerry concerning his lifestyle. The fact that corporate executives lead the same lifestyle as other urban elites goes unexamined. It is a hypocritical conceit that virtue resides alone in rural people. As the author shows, drug usage is endemic in rural communities, as is divorce.

The author insists that the rural conservative bloc be taken seriously. Perhaps some need a wakeup call on the homelander agenda of curtailing freedoms and introducing their religion into others' lives. The author does not persuade that homelanders are different, yet thoughtful. They seem reactionary and highly susceptible to manipulation. They have clearly suspended sound judgment concerning those for whom they vote, mostly looking for declarations of morality and faith. It appears that homelanders are willing to accept belligerent, inept government that caters to the business class while maintaining a façade of morality. Contrary to this author, Thomas Frank in What's the Matter with Kansas? had it right. Rural conservative have been duped, somewhat willingly, and support a government-business alliance with a healthy dose of restricting freedoms. That's what fascism is all about.
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4.0 out of 5 stars Not bad but repetitive, November 25, 2007
This review is from: Welcome to the Homeland: A Journey to the Rural Heart of America's Conservative Revolution (Hardcover)
I read the book about 7 times. Well, it felt like 7 times because the author keeps saying the same thing again and again.

This would have been more appropriate as a long magazine article than a book.

Want to know what the book is about?

Christians are dangerous
Christians are bad
Folks outside of the cities don't know what is good for them.
Metros do.
It is not democracy if it doesn't give results the author likes.

Repeat over and over and over and over and over and zzzzz...

You can read the entire book online using Amazon's Search Inside to read chapter 2.

John Henry
(Originally from up the road from Glens falls)
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Inside This Book (learn more)
Key Phrases - Statistically Improbable Phrases (SIPs): (learn more)
homelander communities, many homelanders, metro culture, urban beltway, big urban states, exurban voters, metro states, urban media, rural conservatives, blog sites, most metros, rural bias, battleground states, urbanized states, urban sensibility, rural states, rural voters, rural leaders
Key Phrases - Capitalized Phrases (CAPs): (learn more)
New York, Democratic Party, George Bush, Republican Party, White House, John Kerry, South Dakota, President Bush, United States, Bill Clinton, Washington Post, African Americans, New Hampshire, Hillary Clinton, New Jersey, Roman Catholic, Ronald Reagan, Republican Revolution, Dennis Hastert, Franklin Roosevelt, John Roberts, Lyndon Johnson, New Mexico, Dick Cheney, Karl Rove
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