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What Is a Palestinian State Worth? [Hardcover]

Sari Nusseibeh
3.5 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (4 customer reviews)

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Book Description

February 3, 2011

Can a devout Jew be a devout Jew and drop the belief in the rebuilding of the Temple? Can a devout Muslim be a devout Muslim and drop the belief in the sacredness of the Rock? Can one right (the right of return) be given up for another (the right to live in peace)? Can one claim Palestinian identity and still retain Israeli citizenship? What is a Palestinian state worth? For over sixty years, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been subjected to many solutions and offered many answers by diverse parties. Yet, answers are only as good as the questions that beget them. It is with this simple, but powerful idea, the idea of asking the basic questions anew, that the renowned Palestinian philosopher and activist Sari Nusseibeh begins his book.

What Is a Palestinian State Worth? poses questions about the history, meaning, future, and resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflict. Deeply informed by political philosophy and based on decades of personal involvement with politics and social activism, Nusseibeh’s moderate voice—global in its outlook, yet truly grounded in his native city of Jerusalem—points us toward a future which, as George Lamming once put it, is colonized by our acts in this moment, but which must always remain open.


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Editorial Reviews

From Booklist

Following up his personal story, Once upon a Country: A Palestinian Life (2007), Nusseibeh, president of al-Quds University in Jerusalem, speaks about the current political issues in Israel with the authority of citizen, academic, and activist, “both victim and protagonist.” His call is elemental, “for Israelis and Palestinians to see each other as human beings.” But beyond slogans of equality and freedom, he examines possible solutions on the ground. How to transcend the present stalemate? Neither force nor reason has worked. The two-state solution, he argues, is a “fantasy bubble,” an unworkable alternative to Palestinians and Israelis living in equality in one state. He witnesses first-hand settler rampages against Palestinians in the Occupied West Bank, but then there are the Palestinian suicide bombings, the bloody clashes between Hamas and Fatah. Citing Gandhi, he says that precisely because the Palestinians are the weaker military force, they have the greater power to transform, not to defeat. Nusseibeh’s informal style, urgent and passionate, and especially his call to sit down with the enemy, will engage all sides in intense debate. --Hazel Rochman

Review

Palestinians live in Israel (or under Israeli occupation) without freedom, legal rights, resources, under the constant threat of state violence; Israelis, living under the constant threat of terrorist violence, are also trapped. Nusseibeh recommends reframing the conflict and advocates that negotiators look beyond the conference room to focus on the reality in the homes and streets of Palestinians and Israelis, and envision a collective peace, progress, and safety. Nusseibeh makes a number of tentative stabs at envisioning possible solutions, and his philosophical and balanced book is unfailingly sensitive and empathetic to both sides. (Publishers Weekly 20101122)

Nusseibeh's informal style, urgent and passionate, and especially his call to sit down with the enemy, will engage all sides in intense debate.
--Hazel Rochman (Booklist 20110101)

Sari Nusseibeh repeatedly expresses his belief that change is possible if people have the self-confidence and faith in themselves to act. He sees his task as an educator to be one of inculcating such faith. And he also describes, in several chapters of his often moving book, a moral basis for political action that can speak to all of us. Like Gandhi, and like Abdallah Abu Rahmah and Ali Abu Awwad...Nusseibeh seeks not to coerce his opponents--in this case the Israeli people along with their political and military institutions--into changing their self-destructive course but to change their will, or their feelings. He wants them to step back from prejudice and an obsession with brute force and to open their eyes. He wants them to find in themselves the generosity of spirit needed in order to take a chance on peace, whether in the form of two states or a single binational entity or, perhaps, some kind of confederation.
--David Shulman (New York Review of Books 20110224)

Sari Nusseibeh is not a Palestinian Gandhi--he is a secular intellectual, not a saint, and while he has occupied prominent roles in Palestinian life (formerly as a leader of the first intifada and a Palestinian Authority diplomat, currently as president of al-Quds University), he has never commanded a mass following. But in his short new book he comes closer to advocating a Gandhian strategy than any other Palestinian leader I know of.
--Adam Kirsch (Tablet Magazine 20110208)

The ideas might sound strange in their departure from conventional wisdom about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the positions of leaders and pundits on both sides, but it's good policy to pay attention. In the past, Sari Nusseibeh has taken positions that his fellow Palestinians condemned--and then, a couple of uprisings and aborted peace conferences later, embraced.
--Haim Watzman (Chronicle of Higher Education 20110130)

An oddly detached sense of hope runs through What is a Palestinian State Worth?; there is nothing like it in the literature of this conflict. Every year thousands of articles and blog posts are produced about how to end the conflict. They all feel stale. This book does not.
--Greg Waldmann (Open Letters Monthly 20110301)

In a display of rationality uncommon to discussions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Nusseibeh takes an impartial vantage point, trying to sort out a mess largely generated by overblown and hyperactive political identities...Few Israelis will read Nusseibeh's book; fewer still will seriously ponder his proposal. But Nusseibeh is an experienced and bold politician and a shrewd intellectual. His views, accordingly, demand serious consideration.
--Avner Inbar and Assaf Sharon (Boston Review 20110701)

Product Details

  • Hardcover: 256 pages
  • Publisher: Harvard University Press (February 3, 2011)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0674048733
  • ISBN-13: 978-0674048737
  • Product Dimensions: 4.4 x 1 x 7.1 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 10.4 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 3.5 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (4 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #419,933 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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Customer Reviews

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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
2 of 3 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars lovely, wise book! May 23, 2011
By Barbara
Format:Hardcover
I highly recommend this short, wise book about the Palestinian problems! For someone like me, who is not familiar with the complexities there, it's a great introduction. And, it's balanced and wise, not the usual extreme political arguments.
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0 of 1 people found the following review helpful
1.0 out of 5 stars The Palestine & Palestinian Fiction April 17, 2013
Format:Hardcover
Book of fiction. There is no palestine. There are no so-called palestinians. These are European inventions.

Palestine was nothing but the English European name for Israel. There has never in history been a country called palestine until the British invented it to name the British Mandate after World War I, in the aftermath of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. During 400 years of the Ottoman Empire, there was no palestine. Palestine is an English name. Arabs viewed the land merely as southern Syria, al-Sham in Arabic. Jews called the land Eretz Israel, Land of Israel. In fact, since there is no letter p in Arabic, Arabs cannot even write "palestine in their own language"!

The British also invented the fake name "palestinian" to call ALL inhabitants of the British Mandate, including Jews. In fact, Arabs vehemently rejected the name palestine and palestinian for being Western inventions. Today, everyone is a palestinian in palestine!

The British Mandate dissolved in 1948 and, so, too, did the British-invend palestine cease to exist along with palestinians. The British Mandate eventuated into the state of Israel and its inhabitants became Israelis.

It was the Romans who in the 2nd century first imposed the Latin name "palaestina" on Israel as punishment for the second Jewish revolt against Roman occupation, in an attempt to erase the Jewish identity of the land and 1000 years of Jewish nationhood. The Romans based "palaestina" on the Philistines who were ancient enemies of the Jews, as added insult to the Jews.

Later in the 19th century, European Christians Anglicized the Latin "palaestina" into the English name "palestine"

Do a search on amazon.com for books of history of "palestine" written by reputable historians. There are virtually none. When was this mythical palestine established? No one knows. Who founded palestine? No one knows. Who were the historical kings and leaders of palestine? No one knows. The great ancient Jewish historian was Josephus. The great ancient Roman historian was Cassius Dio. Name a great ancient "palestinian" historian You cannot. Name the "palestinian" monetary coinage You cannot. Such a great ancient civilization is "palestine" and the so-called "palestinians" that they have absolutely no history prior to the British Mandate after World War I.

The fact that "palestine" does not appear, not even once, in the Old Testament nor in the New Testament nor even in the Quran, while Israel appears 2500 times in the Jewish, Christian and Islamc texts, testifies to the name Israel among inhabitants of the Near East.

1 Samuel 3:20 And all Israel from Dan to Beersheba recognized that Samuel was attested as a prophet of the Lord.

John 12:13 They took palm branches and went out to meet him, shouting, "Hosanna! "Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord! "Blessed is the king of Israel!"

Quran 10:93: We settled the Children of Israel in a beautiful dwelling place, and provided for them sustenance of the best: it was after knowledge had been granted to them

Had the Romans not invented the name "palaestina," imposed on Israel, Europeans would not have later invented "palestine" and there would be no "palestine" today. The land would have remained Israel throughout the centuries.

So-called palestinians are merely rebranded Arabs originating from Arabia, Egypt and other Arab entities. They are interlopers in Israel.

When historical revisionists and anti-Semites today use the bogus name "palestine," the intent is to, again, erase the Jewish identity of the land as the Romans attempted in the 2nd century.
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8 of 14 people found the following review helpful
3.0 out of 5 stars Israel-Palestine Confederation State February 10, 2011
Format:Hardcover
"What is a Palestinian state Worth?" by Sari Nusseibeh. Adam Kirsch, an editor with the Israel-based "Tablet Magazine", reviewed Nusseibeh's book in its 8 Feb 2011 issue. Kirsch commented: "In a new book, Al-Quds University President Sari Nusseibeh assesses what Palestinians stand to gain from the creation of their own state--and what they stand to lose. But it is not wholly clear, from Nusseibeh's language here and elsewhere in the book, whether that means accepting Israel as a Jewish state. For an Israeli to be a "patriotic Palestinian" seems to look forward, instead, to a binational state, in which Jews and Arabs would embrace a common political identity. "The vision of the peaceful and prosperous future may take any of several forms," Nusseibeh writes: "one state, two states, confederation involving one country, or two, or three, and so on."....This ambiguity is not strategic or accidental; it lies at the heart of Nusseibeh's philosophical argument. Essentially, What Is a Palestinian State Worth? is a brief for liberalism--which makes it, in the generally illiberal political culture of Palestine, a radical document. ... "Among Palestinians," he writes in the book's most daring passage, "there may well be a more fundamental underlying cultural or religious disposition to believe in the reality of death so strongly as to view life as being on a par with death, or even of far less value." So long as this is true, there is no chance for peace between Palestinians and Jews, much less for the building of the kind of Palestinian society Nusseibeh hopes for. ... The most controversial proposal in What Is a Palestinian State Worth? has to be understood, I think, as Nusseibeh's attempt to change the terms of the Palestinian-Israeli discussion. At the beginning of the book, Nusseibeh suggests that the Palestinians give up their demands for sovereignty and instead agree to become second-class Israeli citizens--that is, citizens without the right to vote or run for office. "Thus the state would be Jewish, but the country would be fully binational, all the Arabs within it having their well-being tended to and sustained. ... In any case, such a scenario would provide [the Palestinians] with a far better life than they have had in more than forty years under occupation." It seems to me that Nusseibeh, who was one of the earliest proponents of a two-state solution, is not seriously endorsing this idea. He is fully aware that it would not be feasible or desirable, from either side's perspective. It is, rather, a thought experiment, designed to challenge the assumptions of both Jews and Arabs. For the Palestinians, it is a challenge to "think deeply about what states are for"--that is, to examine whether they want the trappings of statehood or a better, more secure life. For Jews, it is a challenge to contemplate whether such a two-tiered system, with its echoes of South African apartheid, is consistent with Israel's principles--and whether such a system might not already be in place in the Occupied Territories." As many Israelis consider themselves to be the "true" Palestinians, and as the U.S. is beginning its 150th celebration of "The War Between the States" {or the "War of Northern Aggression" to its southern diehards}, might Nusseibeh's creation of "The Confederate States of Palestine" last longer than the original C.S.A.?
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