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59 of 66 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
Arrogance rides triumphantly through the gates, June 12, 2005
This review is from: What Stalin Knew: The Enigma of Barbarossa (Hardcover)
barely glancing at the old woman about to cut the rope and spring shut the trap. This aphorism summarizes neatly the trap Hitler laid for Stalin in the days prior to the German invasion of the USSR.
Lord Acton once said that absolute power corrupts absolutely. One of the chief lessons to be learned from David Murphy's "What Stalin Knew: The Enigma of Barbarossa" is that absolute power breeds an absolute arrogance that erodes the critical faculties that facilitated the despot's acquisition of power in the first place.
It is commonly known that the German invasion of the Soviet Union in the pre-dawn hours of June 22, 1941 (Operation Barbarossa) took Stalin completely by surprise. The Soviet air force in the western zone was destroyed on the ground. The Soviet army, from Memel on the Baltic Sea to Odessa along the Black Sea was engulfed in fear and chaos almost from the start. Millions of Soviet soldiers were killed or taken prisoner and hundred of miles of Soviet territory was overrun in the first ten days of the war. As Murphy points out, the tragedy of Barbarossa for the USSR was not just the horrible loss of life and territory but the fact that these losses could have been lessened dramatically (although probably not eliminated) but for the supreme arrogance of the Soviet's supreme leader.
Murphy fleshes this general information out with an exhaustive amount of additional information gleaned from recently opened Soviet archives. Murphy was a career intelligence officer with the CIA and served as its head of Soviet operations before retiring from the intelligence services. As a result of his experience, Murphy is able to cast a practiced eye on the USSR's intelligence gathering operations in the years before the invasion.
Murphy begins with a brief overview of some critical events prior to the invasion, specifically the Stalin/Hitler pact and the brief Russo-Finnish winter war in 1939/1940. The first extended the USSR's territory hundred of miles westward. The USSR never managed to move its old defensive fortifications west and left the old fortifications to crumble. The Soviet army suffered horrible losses to the undermanned Finnish army before finally prevailing. Each event only served to confirm Hitler's notion that he could invade and defeat the USSR in a matter of weeks.
Murphy then proceeds to outline the extensive intelligence gathering information operations of the Soviet military (the RU) and the civilian security apparatus (the NKVD). From cities across eastern and western Europe, from Japan, and the U.S. came reliable information indicating that Hitler had abandoned plans to invade Britain and had set in motion a plan to invade the USSR. Taken together this cumulative evidence represents a stunning indictment of Stalin and his inner circle. Stalin refused to believe any of this information. Rather, he believed the German disinformation campaign designed to convince the USSR that Germany had no immediate plans to invade the USSR. The centerpiece of this disinformation campaign was two (perhaps more) letters from Hitler to Stalin in which Hitler pledged on his honor as a head of state not to invade the USSR. Stalin chose to believe Hitler rather than his own intelligence agencies.
The failure of Stalin to accept his intelligence reports were heightened by the fear he engendered amongst those responsible for providing him with critical information. After the purges of the 1930s, including the elimination of the Red Army's entire officer corps, most of those closest to Stalin provided him only with information that had been filtered to support his own preconceived notion. The story Murphy tells of two senior Soviet officers, Ivan Proskurov and Filipp Golikov sums things up nicely. Proskurov was an effective, diligent intelligence officer who dared to give Stalin hard information without bending it to Stalin's views. Golikov was something of a toady who served up information supporting the view that Hitler was ready to invade Britain. Proskurov was purged and later executed. Golikov was promoted.
As the book concludes it become clear that Stalin, in his arrogance, decided he could trust Hitler and as such any contrary information was disinformation. As one Russian author once said, Hitler was the only man Stalin ever trusted and that gross error in judgment cost millions of Soviet lives.
Murphy's book is an excellent look at "what Stalin knew and when he knew it". I recommend it for anyone with an interest in Soviet or military history.
L. Fleisig
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42 of 47 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Compelling Story of Deception and Self-Deception, July 12, 2005
This review is from: What Stalin Knew: The Enigma of Barbarossa (Hardcover)
After reading this book, I found myself remembering something that Ian Fleming wrote in a James Bond novel (I think). "The very powerful and the very stupid have one thing in common. They don't change their view of the world in response to the facts. They change the facts to fit their view of the world."
Stalin was the epitome of this principle. The array of evidence that Soviet intelligence uncovered in the run-up to Barbarossa (the massive 1941 German invasion of Russia) was staggering. Yet all of this intelligence, purchased with the time and effort and sometimes the blood of Soviet intelligence personnel, might as well have never been collected. Stalin didn't want to conclude that Hitler was going to attack him in 1941. Therefore, all evidence pointing to that was provocation.
It's incredible, and speaking as a serving intelligence officer, I find myself wishing that all the people making charges about the politicization of intelligence in the last few years in the US would read Murphy's book and see what real "politicization" involves.
The only criticisms I have with this book is that I think it would have been appropriate for Murphy to italicize passages of the text which are his suppositions, inferences, and judgments as opposed to absolute facts. This is routine practice for Intelligence Community products, and it would be useful here.
I also think any student of denial and deception ought to read the appendix of this book which contains letters that Hitler sent to Stalin in the run-up to the attack. Whoever wrote them for "der Fuhrer" was truly a master at deception.
Finally, the irony of the situation is profound. Hitler did to Stalin with Barbarossa what the Allies did to Hitler with Fortitude South (the deception plan that convinced him that D-Day would be at Calais and not Normandy).
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19 of 22 people found the following review helpful:
3.0 out of 5 stars
The Most Telegraphed Blow In History, September 15, 2005
This review is from: What Stalin Knew: The Enigma of Barbarossa (Hardcover)
One of the more unwelcome developments associated with the return of centralized dictatorship in Russia has been the closing of the Soviet intelligence archives. A number of intriguing books came out in the 1990s, giving the reader a peek inside the Kremlin and the gulag from back in the first half or so of the Soviet era. Now these are drying up as the FSB, the successor to the KGB, slams the door on any more investigation into the totalitarian past.
Author David E. Murphy clearly resents it. This book, compiled mainly from a couple of Russian collections of archival documents released in the 1990s, amasses an amazing amount of detail about the run-up to Operation Barbarossa. Yet for all that, the information is chiefly drawn from the Soviet military intelligence services, as access to the prewar archives of the Soviet security services proved to be impossible.
It doesn't really matter to the general reader, though. The book confirms in overwhelming detail what was long known in general: Stalin ignored and frequently punished warnings of the impending German attack on the Soviet Union. The blow was so telegraphed, on the way for so long, that the reader can only shudder at both Stalin's blindness, and his underlings' abject fear of him. The book shows Stalin's obstinacy in considerably more minute detail than we've seen before, but it is still the same Stalin: paranoid, out of his depth in military matters, calculating, and bloody-minded. There are doubtless unpleasant surprises moldering away in the NKVD archives, but surely nothing to overturn the picture we now have.
The historical recovery Murphy accomplishes is impressive enough, though. The most notable example is the interwoven biography of aviator Soviet Military Intelligence chief Ivan Iosevich Proskurov. This no-nonsense, outspoken professional stood out like a tarantula on a piece of angel food cake, so far as Stalin was concerned. His candid warnings about Soviet military deficiencies were no more welcome than anyone else's. Stalin pinned the blame of the Finnish war on him and had him shot. His tale, interwoven through the documentary evidence assembled here, is a sad encapsulation of the terror of High Stalinism, and the godawful ruination of lives that was its fruit.
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