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In the long-awaited new book from the author of The Keys to the White House--which the Baltimore Sun called "a must book for political junkies" and which remains influential after more than fifteen years in print--Allan J. Lichtman has produced what may be the definitive history of the modern conservative movement in America.
Lichtman is both a professor of political history and a veteran journalist, and he has spent the past ten years combing through more than 150 manuscript collections--confidential memos, internal strategy papers, secret correspondence, and much more--to capture the entire tapestry and trajectory of the conservative movement. He brings to life a gallery of dynamic right-wing personalities, from luminaries such as Strom Thurmond, Billy Graham, Phyllis Schlafly, William F. Buckley Jr., and Bill Kristol to indispensable inside operators like financiers Frank Gannett, J. Howard Pew, and Richard Mellon Scaife. He explodes the conventional wisdom that modern conservative politics began with Goldwater and instead traces the roots of today's movement to the 1920s. He shows how modern conservatism was born out of post-World War I fears that secular, pluralistic, and cosmopolitan forces threatened America's national identity. And he lays bare the tactics that conservatives have used for generations to put their slant on policy and culture; to choke the growth of the liberal state from the New Deal era to the Great Society to the Clinton years; and to build the most powerful network of media, fundraising, and intellectual organizations in the history of representative government.
Ultimately, Lichtman concludes that conservative ideology is grounded not in specific issues such as limited government, low taxes, or free markets--most of which are disposable ideas that the right has been quick to embrace or reject to suit the needs of the moment--but rather in a dual vision of America as a white Protestant nation, and a country whose greatness is driven by private enterprise. He argues that President George W. Bush is the heir to both the strengths and weaknesses of this tradition, and he explores whether Bush is presiding over the demise of the modern conservative movement.
Lively, comprehensive, and built on unprecedented primary research, White Protestant Nation tells the whole story of the modern conservative movement and its place within the big picture of American history. This book is entertaining, provocative, enlightening, and essential reading for anyone who cares about American politics and its history. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
17 of 19 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
In spite of the title, a serious book,
By Magyar (The Universe) - See all my reviews
This review is from: White Protestant Nation: The Rise of the American Conservative Movement (Hardcover)
Because of the provocative title, I at first thought that this was one of those in-your-face political harangues that populate the front tables of bookstores. However I quickly found that this was a serious, scholarly study of American conservative thought (and action) in the 20th century.
I think Lichtman is on to something. I had read Sean Wilentz'z "The Rise of American Democracy" a few months ago and this book seems that it could have been a good companion. I guess the central thesis that could be argued is that America was founded as a democracy, albeit a democracy only for white, anglo, Protestant, property-owning heterosexual males. Much of the dynamics of American culture and politics in both the 19th and 20th centuries has been both the attempt to expand this definition of democratic government and the resulting response to defend and/or restore the status quo. This really highlights how much the "idea" of America is a highly politically contested concept. The strength of Lichtman's book is how he shows the continued line of conservative thinking from the 1920 (which was sort of a reset point for American conservatives after the upheavals of the Progressive Era and internationalism of Wilson) to the present. His discussion of the role of the woman's vote was very enlightening, showing how that otherwise conservative men supported woman's vote as a counterweight to the growing immigrant voting population. For me the whole discussion of the pre- 1970s conservative movement is the major strength of the book. Now for the book's drawbacks. Lichtman seems to have fallen to the dreaded graduate student vice of "pump and dump," that is "pumping" as much data and historical information as possible from the archives and other historical sources and then "dumping" it all into the text. As a result. The read is hit with pages of detailed accounts of numerous characters, events and publications. This seems to be work ok when he is talking about the 1920s and the 1930s and the focus of his "White Protestant Nation" theme is clear, but the closer he gets to the present, the more the details seem to muddy the analysis. Because of his emphasis on the details, there is a certain loss of focus and context in his analysis. For example the McCarthy anti-red campaign is only given cursory treatment. As he gets closer to the present, it only gets worse and his treatment of the Reagan era is at best a chronology. Still, in spite of these drawbacks, the books is a valuable historical study that should become part of standard literature about American politics.
11 of 13 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Brilliantly broad brushstrokes of history,
By
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This review is from: White Protestant Nation: The Rise of the American Conservative Movement (Hardcover)
I've been curious for many years. We can talk about various economic or political systems as if they're acceptable. But one about which we cannot speak without being treated like we've used inappropriate language is "Communism." It struck me that the "conservatives" must have a pretty powerful platform since we can't even talk about that concept except negatively.
This volume I read not long after completing Alan Dawley's "Struggles for Justice," while listening to David Halberstram's "The Coldest Winter: American and the Korean War," and while reading a fine article by Thomas Frank in "Harper's" magazine about the neo-cons in today's government. Combined, they paint a fairly clear picture of the "evolution" of American conservatism. The book is set up both chronologically and thematically; one can see the "evolution" (thought some might think of is as devolution) of America's right wing throughout the years. And that mix made the book compelling. The book's first chapter is entitled "The Birth of the Modern Right: 1920 - 1928." Conventional wisdom seems to attribute the beginning of the "modern right" to the era of Goldwater, but Lichtman thinks it took place quite a bit earlier. This was the post-WWI era. During that war, Americans had to be stimulated by the Creel Commission, or Committee on Public Information to despise the heathen Huns (Germans). After the war, that zeal went against the bomb-throwing Bolsheviks. And this was the era of Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge. What the "right" feared later took place when Franklin Roosevelt was elected. Lichtman seems to make clear--as have other authors--that Roosevelt wasn't some red-flag waving socialist. (Indeed, years ago I researched an article on Social Security in which I learned that Roosevelt used that and other economic benefits to sustain the system, not destroy it!) But by the time of Roosevelt's election, the anti-Communist fervor had been thoroughly institutionalized. So it was, indeed, used by many on the "right" to discredit the New Deal. Subsequent to that experiment were born institutions like the John Birch Society and other far-right organizations which had credibility for a while. Interestingly, by the way, when the book covers the Goldwater era, the author suggests that after Goldwater's defeat was when the right decided to regroup and rethink its strategy. A name that came up many, many times in the book was J. Howard Pew. His foundation helped to fund many a right wing cause throughout much of the 20th century. (Indeed, without that foundation, many of such causes wouldn't have been able to survive). And the theme structure of the book led into later in the century, I think it was during the 70s, that many more foundations became the backbone of the right. Two that come to mind are Scaife and Bradley. Another "theme" that evolved was the right's use of "think tanks." The American Enterprise Institute had been somewhat of a think tank earlier in the century. But, Lichtman points out, AEI was "pluralist." Later right wing think tanks included Heritage Foundation, which wouldn't exist if it hadn't been for great grants from foundations like the ones to which I referred. And they were anti-pluralist. Another even more disturbing theme was that social science research was traditionally, like that of the "hard" sciences, scholarly. In other words, journals were peer reviewed, studied by others, and found to be credible. As the "right" became more institutionalized in the 1980s and 90s, some of that academic rigor disappeared. And then you had documents such as Hernstein and Murray's "Bell Curve"--and countless others-- which had not undergone any rigorous evaluation but appeared to have some credence because of the institution from which it came. A subject of which I was unaware until I read this book is that Reagan was seen by many a conservative as being too liberal. Indeed, what appeared a little disconcerting about the text is that Lichtman seemed to justify some of Reagan's actions because of their apparent "success." Only later in the text did he list the consequences, e.g., the widened gap between the rich and poor, and the massive federal deficit. The book finally got to our present state of affairs in which we have a fairly far right presidency, which, while claiming to be conservative, is really quite statist in more ways than many would like. Indeed, that section kind of summarized what had been repeated many times throughout the book: that while "conservatives" insist on rugged individualism and laissez fair economics, when they can get a piece of the action, they'll be the first ones in line to take it. And that's the depth of the hypocrisy of the allegedly conservative. In any case, two words that I noticed were repeated again and again: 1) "anti-pluralist" I guess that's where the "Protestant" theme came from in the title. The conservatives struggled against Jews, Catholics, anyone representing any deviation from a pretty small segment of humanity. (Yes, there were occasional accessions to Catholics, on issues such as abortion, for example. But by and large they were rejected.). 2) Authority. Any time the prevailing, conservative movement was threatened, they appealed to "tradition" and its overwhelming theme "authority." It's interesting to see how such a concept can be used! Now, I must confess that it's difficult to review this volume well without having taken extensive notes while reading it. There's a lot of material there. There are names I didn't cover in here, e.g., Sun Myung Moon, whose influence was referred to, and many others. Fortunately, as I've said, it's well written, and hard to put down. I cannot do it adequate justice in the space I'm allowed for a review. But it will grace my shelf as a reference book when I read similarly themed volumes in the future.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
Allan Lichtman is right on.,
By
This review is from: White Protestant Nation: The Rise of the American Conservative Movement (Hardcover)
I have several books written by Allan Lichtman, The 13 Keys to the Presidency(1990) and The keys to the White House(1996,2000, 2005 and 2008 editions). When it comes to political history this guy knows his stuff. I want to get this book but i am trying to get away from buying physical books and collecting books on my kindle. This book is not available on kindle!! I think the conservative movement really exploded in the late 1970's early 80's during The election of conservative Ronald Reagan. It's peak was during President Bill Clinton's 8 years in power and sustained during President George W. Bush's 2 terms(2001-2008). I think the christain conservative right is gradually losing their power. Please make this book available on kindle!
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