Customer Reviews

The Wonga Coup: Guns, Thugs, and a Ruthless Determination to Create Mayhem in an Oil-Rich Corner of Africa

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Equatorial Guinea isn't much of a nation, even for Africa. "In most atlases, the country lies hidden under the staple," writes Adam Roberts. But it has oil, and that makes quite the difference. In _The Wonga Coup: Guns, Thugs and a Ruthless Determination to Create Mayhem in an Oil-Rich Corner of Africa_, Roberts has told the story of an attempted coup by international businessmen and mercenaries in March 2004. The aim was not to gain political power, or to help the blighted nation's poor start claiming some of their country's riches. The aim was simply to get "a large splodge of wonga" as one of the plotters called a big infusion of cash. (Surprisingly, the _OED_ says that "wonga" is British, not African, slang.) The plot, for many reasons explained here, did not work, and plenty of the plotters and their henchmen suffered, but it has had some effects on Equatorial Guinea, and also reflects the current larger problems in the economic development of Africa. The book is well researched, and at times reads like an adventure novel, sort of a failed _The Dogs of War_.

This is no coincidence. _The Dogs of War_ was written by Fredrick Forsyth, who has recently, after formerly secret British documents were unsealed, admitted his own role in financing a similar, and similarly failed, coup against Equatorial Guinea in 1973. In some ways, it is a shame that the 1973 coup didn't succeed; it was less for riches than for removal of the deranged dictator Macias Nguema, who went on for a further six mad years. He was succeeded by his nephew, Obiang Nguema, about whom the best that can be said is that he is not as crazy as his uncle. Torture and death were his ways of getting things done, but he has successfully brought foreigners and oil companies of the west into his little country, which now gets about six billion dollars a year for the very good and pure oil beneath it. The benefits do not go to the citizens, for whom spending on education is less than any country and for whom public health efforts are so stunted that the average life expectancy is fifty years. Obiang did have an opponent in exile, Severo Moto. The old Etonian and former Special Air Service Officer Simon Mann thought that he could put Moto in but run things commercially himself. Such a coup requires plenty of money, and Mann had it, but he was also competent at finding investors who were interested in the potential gains in a regime change. One was Sir Mark Thatcher, son of the former Prime Minister, who helped pay for a rental combat helicopter. Mann recruited black Angolan soldiers and Afrikaner thugs for the proposed action and plenty of armaments and aircraft. The plotters may have thought that South Africa and Zimbabwe supported their plans, but it was these two countries that stopped the coup while the forces were gathering. Hapless mercenaries, 64 of them, were arrested from their airplane in Zimbabwe and were consigned to the bad prison there, while the rest of the crew were captured in Equatorial Guinea and went to the even worse prison there. The descriptions of the prisons and the active and passive tortures that were used on the men are difficult reading.

Many of the participants in the coup have been released by now. Sir Mark Thatcher is sure that the retribution extracted against him was revenge against his mother, but he did plead guilty to financing the helicopter. He cooperated with prosecutors, had to pay a fine, became a convict who cannot return to the US, and his marriage broke up. Many of the other plotters struck deals as well, implicating their fellow conspirators deeper, but Mann has not done this, and remains in jail in Zimbabwe, hoping never to be extradited to Equatorial Guinea. Ironically, the plot has helped Obiang, as the US came to the realization that he was at least a known force and could be reliably counted upon to receive millions in exchange for allowing the oil companies to make their extractions. He has since visited Washington, and was told "You are a good friend and we welcome you" by Condoleeza Rice. He has made new friends in Spain and South Africa, who have argued that coups would be less likely if he would help the ordinary citizens of his country, but few changes have happened. Among the background villains of this piece are the oil companies themselves, which wash their hands of responsibility to make sure that some of the money they spend goes to causes better than enriching the powerful, and the US banking system that allows those powerful ones to sock away tainted millions. Roberts himself writes, "It is hardly appropriate to draw sweeping lessons about the whole of modern Africa as a whole from a story of a failed coup in a single small country," but still, there are so many layers of rot revealed in this often exciting story that it is clear the world should be behaving better.

I first heard news of Simon Mann's arrest in Zimbabwe breaking over the BBC while living in neighboring Zambia. Couldn't imagine a fate much worse than a Zim prison cell- until I read Wonga Coup and learned of the conditions of the Black Beach prison in E.G. Pity for Simon's colleague...

It's strange to feel pity for mercenaries, except that the utterly corrupt rule of Obiang and cronies can only encourage this. Siphoning off $350mm of the national wealth of E.G. into a personal bank account in the US is a crime greater than any that might be committed by would-be coup-makers. Given the stultifying poverty in E.G., this level of graft is disgusting and unforgivable. Add to this flagrant human rights abuses, and I find myself very disappointed the coup failed.

Even more so after reading "Tropical Gangsters", which gives some perspective of the lives of ordinary E.G. citizens, and those locals and foreigners who have made real efforts to improve the situation in E.G. Even if Mann's coup was financially motivated, it's hard to imagine how things could be any worse in E.G. for the average person. Perhaps a shake up (any shake up) might offer the possibility for positive changes.

Despite the very real problems that the world oil/gas enonomy has caused certain underdeveloped countries whose major resource is petroleum (and whose near-sighted and corrupt governments can't see fit to invest this wealth into the futures of their countries), in the case of E.G., rule in the country was despotic before they even discovered they had oil. Can't blame this particular demon on Western oil consumption. Seems to be cultural and even geographical, engendered by tribal disparities and the isolating and strange borders of the territory.

Of course, the book can't answer these questions or outline a hopeful future for E.G. It was a nail-biting read nonetheless, even if it left the reader anxious for a more definitive and dramatic resolution than long prison sentences in Zim/E.G. jail cells (and business as usual in E.G.). Sadly, this is not an Executive Outcome.

This is a quite amazing story, told with wit and verve. The greed and arrogance of the coup plotters is matched only by their fecklessness and stupidity. Beyond the complexities of the botched plot, the book provides a fascinating portrayal of the political, economic and military dynamicss of contemporary Africa -- it is a thoroughly engrossing read. I read the book cover-to-cover on a long-haul flight between London and Singapore and can thoroughly recommend it to anyone with 13 hours on a 747, time will fly by!

Fascinating, humorous, and ultimately human and touching look into a world few of us ever see.

Ok, just up front, let's mention in bold type: being in prison in Africa really, really sucks. I think this book makes that abundantly clear.

Second: having a lot of excess time and money on your hands, and then being British or South African to top it off, and living in Africa also tends to create "mischief", apparently (especially if you have military experience and know other guys with military experience and time on their hands, plus wives who don't mind them going on some "reality adventuring" every 5 years).

I have been reading a few books about Africa recently (by the way, the "Zanzibar Chest" is totally amazing). Wong Coup is very good and I read it fast (2-3 days). It tells the story in an amusing and human way of mercenaries who tried to overthrow a small African country. On the one hand, a "fun" read, on the other hand, very harrowing. And yes, it does give us a picture into the human being, because it shows how people react under pressure (for instance, Simon Mann writing "we" from prison, not just about himself, but at least having some notion of being responsible for others, not just himself).

While the author does mock the men who tried the coup, at the same time, he does have a bit of sympathy I think for them. For instance, the statement by one of the South African mercenaries as to "would you try it again", was "Yes. Life is for living" sticks with me. Life is not for holding one's cards to one's chest, but for living out life. Let's face it, most of us sit at boring desk jobs until we retire, with no real risks involved, and no real great rewards either. These guys rolled the dice big-time and lost. I go home now to a Heineken and some reading, or a bar or movie. They spend their time in a hell-hole prison cell in Africa, made for one man, but that now houses 4, shackled and beaten and with food that would make us sick. Their life is terrible. They risked it and lost. At the same time, you do kind of have to admire their courage and sheer moxy for trying this. I am not saying it was ethical or morally desireable. The fact that the men did not keep the coup details private, and tried to just fly the guns in, is pretty much a joke, and the author portrays it as such. The coup itself was a joke, and the read is entertaining. These were men trying to live in the 21st century as if it were the time of Cecil Rhodes, in 1880s Africa. We can laugh at them, but let's face it, few if any of us will role the dice the way they do. I found it interesting to learn that there really are men like this out there. I was very interested in how the "world" works in Africa, of private armies, and dictators exchanging prisoners, mercenaries in their "mercenary frat house" (!), the wives, the media, etc, etc. It was fascinting because I knew so little about this world.

By the way, if you want to see one of the main characters (plotters) in the movie - Simon Mann (ex-SAS and British officer), rent or buy the Paul Greengrass DVD "Bloody Sunday". Mann plays Colonel Wilford. You can get a good idea of what Mann is like. (Mann has since lost weight, so he is heavier in the film than he is now. That "African Prison Diet" took the pounds off).

The late FBI Deputy Director W. Mark Felt became renowned as the anonymous and well-informed source on the Nixon Watergate affair, advising "The Washington Post" reporters Woodward and Bernstein to, "Follow the money" and all would be revealed...and, it was. Of course, its always a safe bet when confronted with an otherwise perplexing or apparently rrational business or political affair to follow that advice, since power aligns along financial meridians: it always has and, unless human nature changes radically, it always will. How else to explain the warm welcome ("You are a good friend and we welcome you") extended by then American Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice (Washington, D.C., April, 2006)to Obiang Nguema, longtime dictator of the African backwater of Equatorial Guinea? Answer: Follow the money!

Obiang Nguema, reviled by many independent human rights organizations as one of Africa's worst dictators (okay, maybe the worst) was a complete unknown outside Africa and most African nations didn't pay him too much mind either...until oil was discovered. Then, suddenly, the transformation: "Our friend in Africa!" It is a given that Obiang's record as head of government was hardly one worthy of emulation. Obiang himself was a torturer, possible cannibal and personal beneficiary of hundreds of millions of dollars purloined from petroleum revenues. His government has a no less enviable record: it purged political opponents, expelled/murdered minority tribesman such as the Bubis, stole from the Equatorial Guinean people who, given access to their fair share of oil revenue, would have had a per capita income of around $6000.00, but instead had and have around 0.5% of GDP expended on education (lowest in the world) and 1.8% of GDP on health care (again lowest anywhere).

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented a long history, extending from independence from Spain up to the present moment of extrajudicial killings by the government (although practically, that doesn't matter: most judges have no legal training and are Obiang relatives), police brutality and execrable conditions in the infamous Playa Negra Prison. A popular government? Only amongst the First World countries that extract the oil: nothing like dealing with a pliable dictator instead of a fractious democracy.

So, with that background, abundantly illustrated by the author, Adam Roberts, the scene was set for a coup d'etat. Like most coups, this one was motivated by money and power but, unlike most coups, this one was orchestrated explicitly for those purposes and was attempted by a colorful group of mercenaries and financiers, including Sir Mark Thatcher (son of Margaret), Simon Mann (former SAS and Executive Outcomes) and others out of a Frederick Forsythe novel...but Forsythe himself was involved in at least one coup attempt against the Obiang clan! What better material for a book!

About one third of the text provides the horrific details of Obiang clan rule. The remainder catalogues the comic opera coup organization devised by Mann and his colleagues. Their effort was rankly amateur: poor planning, bad logistics, lack of secrecy, failure to gain unequivocal (if covert) support from neighboring governments (e.g., Nigeria) and "interested" third parties (US, Spain) and failure to secure arrangements with the real power brokers, the multinational oil firms. This constellation of ineptitude and bungling lead to the inevitable ruin of the organization well before any action took place in Equatorial Guinea. Mann and many of his colleagues and employees were incarcerated in horrific conditions in Zimbabwe (another paragon of virtuous African governance) and others ended up in legal trouble in South Africa. The putative new head of government, Moto, was returned to obscurity. Thatcher was humiliated and Obiang solidified his already iron grasp on power. A bad end for the Wonga Coup, indeed and for the people of Equatorial Guinea, who seem to be stuck with the Obiang clan for the indefinite future.

Roberts, a highly experienced reporter, demonstrates his skills quite aptly in preseniting this complex but buffoonish plot, interviewing many of the participants and telling an engaging tale. In short, his is a superbly researched piece of investigative reporting and fascinating book. Once again, he demonstrates that its always a good idea to "follow the money".

I will not recite the many details already cited by the publishers and reviewers. What should give this book its second life (its first was not bad) is this ongoing saga STILL unfolding... Simon Mann recently turned over to EG authorities and promptly set to the dreaded Black Beach Prison (How many times has he said SORRY? And given his present plight, he will say that many more times)... new information in April-May 2008 on the "real" coup plotters. EG not shy to part with its oil money to extradite (Sir) Mark Thatcher through efforts with the Interpol on new information received. I've been to EG last June - just let me say it's a very interesting place. Read the book, follow the story still unfolding. The whole thing is quite an adventure... and as REAL as it gets!

"The Wonga Coup" is a fascinating piece of investigative journalism from Economist journalist Adam Roberts. Roberts has to synthesize a tale that includes events unfolding in Equatorial Guinea, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Angola, Congo, Canary Islands, Mali, Spain and the UK.

Roberts gets firsthand contributions from most of the failed coup's frontline participants, the notable exceptions being Simon Mann (still jailed in Zimbabwe) and Nick du Toit (still jailed in EG). Mark Thatcher comes across as a ill-tempered blunderer. Roberts interviews him and Thatcher - true to form - addresses him with some none-too-subtle physical threats (Roberts notes that he's unable to tell whether they're meant to be jokes).

I like the tone of Roberts's effort - he expresses a degree of admiration at the gumption and bucaneering spirit of the plotters, while at their same time laying bare their brazen openness (essentially talking openly to just about everyone, sealing their own fate) and, in the case of Mann, venality. He shows us contractual documents drawn up by Mann re. his post-coup financial reward that serve to deny any attempt by the plotters to justify their proposed actions on the basis of their inherent rightness or goodness.

This is a fun book about a group of aging white mercenaries who plotted to overthrow the dictator of oil-rich Equatorial Guinea. The conspiracy was hatched by one Simon Mann, a bored alumnus of Executive Outcomes, who had visions of getting rich from oil concessions and government contracts after the coup. Alas, Mann had trouble raising money and buying arms, and the out-of-work apartheid-era veterans he recruited as gunmen leaked like sieves (and couldn't hold their liquor). Inevitably, the plot came to the attention of South African intelligence, which arranged for Mann and his troublemakers to be arrested in Zimbabwe en route to Equatorial Guinea.

The author had access to insiders and confidential documents, and he writes knowingly about the seamy side of African business and politics. However, he has a weakness for conspiracy theories and seriously entertains rumors that the U.S. and Spain were behind Mann's plot. In fact, no government installed by white mercenaries could survive in today's Africa, and the U.S. knows that. Our government seems reasonably content with Equatorial Guinea's dictator, who locks up opposition politicians but enables U.S. oil companies to make mountains of money. Condie Rice has publicly called him a friend. Sometimes the truth, however banal, is sleazier than speculation.

This was an interesting read about a little known event in the Western world. A bunch of South Africans and Brits decided to take down the despot who rules Equatorial Guinea. The white and their black mercenaries wanted to get rich off the oil revenue of this tiny state. The despot whose family has ruled this country since independence has siphoned off 400 million dollars of revenue into his private bank account. The motives of both groups is one of plunder. It is a wonder why Africa is so misruled nowadays. The coup failed and the coup leaders were thrown in jail. The country is still misruled by these same individual.

Roberts plunges into some of the unknown events of this little known event. It started at the beginning of the Iraq War, so few people heard of it. Lady Thatcher's son was involved, along with some other rich people. Roberts plays it straight and gives the commonly accepted version of what happened. It is a wonder these coups still occur. A nice read about an interesting event.

Returned from business trip to Malabo July 2010 and found the area better than represented in the book. Books like this serve a purpose, not the least of which is to discourage mercenary coups, but one needs to put them in context. I'm not qualified to judge whether it's spin is too little or too much, but Malabo in 2010 was different in a few meaningful ways (and the same in others - indicating the need for continual improvement). It is still in need of sustainable development and I'm sure that more of the country's wealth should trickle down, but there was a bustling restaurant and bar district with lots of music, laughing, and conversation. Several local restaurants were mentioned as "good" but my colleagues were keen to show me their favorites - and they're more "down to Earth" kind of folks that don't usually wear jackets to dinner. We had a good meal at The Bantu and a couple of cold refreshments at The Fang and The China Sisters. The malaria eradication program seems to have been successful but is a continuing battle - I took daily malerone. Malabo is definitely an Africa city, and you don't want to get cross-threaded with the authorities, but it has things to commend it (in a developing country sense) - not the least of which are the hospitable local entrepreneurs. I encourage those there with political influence to do all they can to help small businesses.