5.0 out of 5 stars
Cover description to follow...great book and series!!!, March 4, 2011
This review is from: Xunzi: A Translation and Study of the Complete Works: -Vol. I, Books 1-6 (Hardcover)
Though scarcely known in the West, Xunzi occupies a place of
importance in classical Chinese philosophy comparable to that of Aristotle
in Greek thought. Standing near the end of a great tradition of philosophy,
he is a systematic figure whose works sum up, criticize, and extend
the traditional analysis of the perennial problems of Chinese philosophy.
His works encompass virtually the whole range of topics discussed by
Chinese scholars.
Like Aristotle, he molded successive ages. During the Han dynasty,
his philosophy shaped learning and scholarship not only because of the
pervasive influence of his thought but also because of his remarkable
successes as a teacher. Xunzi taught a whole generation of scholars whose
traditions of learning dominated the intellectual world of the Han dynasty.
Through the affiliation of master and student, he determined the
Han interpretation of ritual and its role in government, of the Classic of
Poetry, of the role of music, of the nature of education, and of the lessons
of history. More important still, the classical texts, understood within
the framework of his philosophy, were the source of inspiration for
countless thinkers, government officials, and scholars. Thus, his thought
was absorbed into the whole Weltanschauung that then shaped the
Chinese world, and through its incorporation into the structure of Han
dynasty institutions, it persisted for many centuries thereafter.
His influence first began to decline when Buddhism introduced alien
patterns of thinking to the Chinese world and added dimensions of
thought undeveloped during the classical period. Later in the Song dynasty,
the reemergence of Mencius as a major thinker caused Xunzi's
reputation to suffer an eclipse. Interest in him revived only during the
florescence of scholarship during the Qing dynasty. With the advent of
the modern period, and especially since the Communist Revolution, he
has again been recognized as a thinker of great importance.
The world of Xunzi, like that of Aristotle, was undergoing a rapid
and radical transformation. Aristotle witnessed irrevocable changes in
the fundamental character of the ancient world - Greek, Egyptian, and
Persian - wrought by the conquests of his student Alexander. Xunzi
saw the end of the Zhou dynasty that had ruled for more than 700 years.
He observed the annihilation of the feudal states and the unification of
the Chinese world by the invincible military power of the First Emperor
of Qin. Finally, he witnessed the emergence of a new world
order crafted by his brilliant student Li Si.
Xunzi was deeply affected by these events. They made impossible the
optimistic and idealistic views advocated by Mencius, and they molded
his philosophy in ways later generations of Chinese would find unattractive.
At the end of his life, Xunzi believed that the collapse of the world
he had known had resulted in the renunciation of all the values he
thought fundamental to civilized life. He concluded that left to follow its
course, man's nature would inevitably lead to conflict and evil and that
only through man's conscious effort is good possible. Idealists of later
centuries abhorred this doctrine and excoriated Xunzi for advocating it.
They never considered seriously the hope that his doctrine nonetheless
permitted and did not notice that he himself had never despaired that
the vision of society he shared with Confucius and Mencius could be
realized.
Xunzi's works have generally been neglected in the West. They never
enjoyed imperial patronage like the Analects and Mencius. They contain
no doctrines that could be construed to anticipate Christian doctrines like
Mo Di's "universal love." They were not written in fluent and evocative
language like the Daode jing and Zhuangzi. The Xunzi
has accordingly not proved attractive to translators. Xunzi's earnest intensity
and careful precision in argumentation led to a clear but unattractive
style. To the lay reader, his thought seems insufficiently "Chinese."
It does not intrigue with esoteric mysteries known only in the inscrutable
Orient, and it is too systematic and rigorous to allow boundless speculations
on the ultimate.
In English, there are at present only the partial translations of H. H.
Dubs and Burton Watson, which present the text with only the barest of
discussion. Both are inadequate for scholarly research. More recently,
Herman Koster translated Xunzi's complete works, again with only
brief discussion, into German. My translation attempts to rectify this
by examining virtually every available critical study in Chinese and
Japanese and taking into account recent developments in the study of
Chinese philosophy both on the mainland and in the West. My aim has
been to produce a literate English translation that conveys the full meaning
of Xunzi's philosophical arguments. My translation differs from
most recent efforts in several respects.
1. It includes substantial explanatory material identifying technical
terms, persons, and events so that the English reader is provided the same
level of information routinely provided in such Chinese and Japanese
editions of the text as Fujii Sen'ei, the Beijing University student
edition, and Liang Qixiong, for audiences much better informed
about China than are Americans.
2. It provides a detailed introduction to each book that summarizes
the philosophical points made and their relation to the thought of other
philosophers.
3. It indicates in extensive annotations, with characters when desirable,
the basis of my renderings when alternatives exist either in the
textual tradition or when the text is variously emended by important
scholars.
To present Xunzi in a fashion that is easily understood and provides
all the material necessary to grasp his argument, I have provided a general
introduction with chapters devoted to: ( I ) the biography of Xunzi
set in the history of his times, particularly as it directly affected his works;
(2) the influence he had on later times through his thought, his students,
and the institutional structure of learning in ancient China; (3) the intellectual
world in which Xunzi lived and the controversies and figures
that then thrived; and (4) the basic terms that the Chinese use to discuss
the structure and pattern of nature and the origins and ideal nature of
society.
Much of this is obvious to sinologists, but these facts are quite unknown
even to the educated, who find themselves confronted with an
impossible task in trying to locate a convenient explanation of some
mystery. Such information would doubtless be superfluous in a work on
Greek philosophy since there arc standard references in English and other
European languages that address virtually every problem that might be
encountered in Greek philosophic texts. This is not true of philosophy or
of any other discipline in China. My aim in doing this is to present an
edition useful to scholars without requiring constant reference to the
Chinese original, but providing the necessary apparatus to do so when
desired, and a translation accessible to a general, educated public interested
in Chinese philosophy.
I provide extensive historical information so that the reader will have
some sense of the setting of philosophical controversies and the historical
background they assumed. Whereas the translator of Aristotle can assume
that an educated reader knows that Alexander came after Perikles
or that the Trojan War was described in the Iliad, the educated public
recognizes only two ancient Chinese names: Confucius and Mencius.
More recently the First Emperor has become known, but it is the rare
Western reader who can place these figures in their correct chronological
order.
The reader's task is greatly complicated by the confusion created by
different systems of romanization. Distinguishing between the older
Wade-Giles system and the newer pinyin makes every name problematic
even for a devoted reader. I have chosen to adopt the pinyin because it
eliminates the constant problem posed by the apostrophes of the Wade-
Giles system, it allows people to pronounce correctly many important
names and concepts, and it is quite likely that it will become universal
during the next decade.
Xunzi's works can be divided into four groups. Books 1-6 discuss
self-cultivation, learning, and education. Books 7-16 discuss political
theory, ethics, the ideal man (the junzi or "gentleman"), and the
lessons to be drawn from history. Books 17-24 discuss problems of
knowledge, language, and logic, the fundamental nature of the world,
the significance of music and ritual, and the nature of man. Books 25-32
contain Xunzi's poetry, short passages collected together in one book,
and various anecdotes about historical events and persons. Some of these
last books have often been regarded as compilations made by his students.
I present these materials in three volumes: ( I ) General Introduction
and Books 1-6; (2) Books 7--16; and (3) Books 17-32. Materials
specific to each book and to each volume can be found in the introductions
to each book and to each volume. Thus, materials on Xunzi's interpretation
of history and his political philosophy are in the introductory
materials to Volume 2, and those on logic, epistemology, and language
are in Volume 3. Each volume contains an appendix dealing with the
problems of composition of each book, as well as a glossary defining the
more important technical terms that Xunzi uses.
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