101 of 107 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
An Exposition of a Theory of Liberty, January 6, 2003
Hayek's "The Constitution of Liberty" is a comprehensive work of political philosophy. It sets forth, defends, and applies an important view of the nature of human liberty, government, and economics that is worth considering, at the least, and that has much to commend it. The book is carefully written and argued with extensive and substantive footnotes and with an "analytical table of contents" that is useful in following the details of the argument. The book is highly erudite. It is also passionately argued. Hayek believed he had an important message to convey.
Hayek's states his theory in part I of this book, titled "The Value of Freedom". He seeks to explore the nature of the ideal of freedom (liberty) and to explain why this ideal is valuable and worth pursuing. He finds the nature of freedom in the absence of coercion on a person by another person or group. He argues that in giving the broadest scope of action to each individual, society will benefit in ways that cannot be forseen in advance or planned and each person will be allowed to develop his or her capacities. Hayek summarizes his views near the end of his book (p. 394):
" [T]he ultimate aim of freedom is the enlargement of those capacities in which man surpasses his ancestors and to which each generation must endeavor to add its share -- its share in the growth of knowledge and the gradual advance of moral and aesthetic beliefs, where no superior must be allowed to enforce one set of views of what is right or good and where only further experience can decide what should prevail."
The book focuses on issues of economic freedom and on the value of the competitive market. Hayek has been influenced by writers such as David Hume, Edmund Burke, and John Stuart Mill in "On Liberty."
Part II of the book discusses the role of the State in preserving liberty. It develops a view of law which sees its value in promoting the exercise of individual liberty. The approach is historic. Hayek discusses with great sympathy the development of the common law and of American constitutionalism -- particularly as exemplified by James Madison.
In Part III of the book, Hayek applies his ideas about the proper role of government in allowing the exercise of individual liberty to various components of the modern welfare state. Each of the chapters is short and suggestive, rather than comprehensive. Hayek relies on technical economic analysis, and on his understanding of economic theory, as well as on his philosophical commitments, in his discussion. What is striking about Hayek's approach is his openness (sometimes to the point of possible inconsistency with his philosophical arguments). He tries in several of his chapters to show how various aspects of the modern welfare state present threats to liberty in the manner in which he has defined liberty. But he is much more favorably inclined to some aspects of these programs than are some people, and on occasion he waffles. This is the sign of a thoughtful mind, principled but undoctrinaire.
I think there is much to be learned from Hayek. He probably deserves more of a hearing than he gets. For a nonspecialist returning to a book such as this after a long time off, it is good to think of other positions which differ from Hayek's in order to consider what he has to say and to place it in context. For example, in an essay called "Liberty and Liberalism" in his "Taking Rights Seriously" (1977) the American legal philosopher Ronald Dworkin discusses Mill's "On Liberty" with a reference to Hayek. Dworkin argues that for Mill, liberty meant not the absence of coercion but rather personal independence. Mill was distinguishing between personal rights and economic rights, according to Dworkin. Thus Dworkin would claim that Hayek overemphasizes the value of competitiveness and lack of state economic regulation in the development of Hayek's concept of liberty.
The British political thinker Isaiah Berlin seems to suggest to me, as I read Hayek's argument, that there are other human goods in addition to liberty, as Hayek defines liberty. Further, Hayek does not establish that liberty, as he understands it, is always the ultimate human good to which others must give place. It may often be that good, but there may also be circumstances in which other goods should be given a more preeminent role when human well-being is at issue. In thinking about Hayek, it would also be useful to understand and to assess his concept of liberty by comparing and contrasting his approach to that of John Rawls in his "A Theory of Justice."
Hayek's book is important, thought-provoking and valuable. Probably no writer of a book of political philosophy can be asked for more. It deserves to be read and pondered. It has much to teach, both where it may persuade the reader and where it encourages the reader to explore competing ideas.
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26 of 26 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
That'll be One Large Order of Freedom, Hold the Spending, May 18, 2001
By A Customer
This is a great rationalist defense of the ideas which the founders of the United States knew instinctively, or by historical experience. All people don't accomplish the same things equally, or in the same amount of time? No big deal. Treating them equally before the law is more important, especially for those who don't want to be forced into an equal outcome in life. The unique dimension to these ideas which Hayek contributes is his Misesian economic outlook, which he ties into the imperative for liberty, defined as both equality before the law, and strict limits on the reach of law.
I continue to marvel (when not non-marveling) how "government" must act through laws in order to do anything. Each fresh new blow-dried representative or senator could benefit from a few weeks off to absorb this book, to get a better idea of what it is they are trying to build, or even to get an honest standard by which to measure their infringements on liberty and their distortions of limited government.
Hayek is quite willing to teach them, and us, but there is a special place in his heart for socialists, which makes him somewhat Christlike, as he welcomes the sinners of socialism into his company, while other free-market types just jeer from afar or throw stones. Hayek says no, let's think this through. What will happen to the price system and the market if the government's share of the economy reaches a tipping point--as he saw it do in Italy and Germany during his lifetime. How will it affect the legislative function if administrative arms of the executive are the final authors of so many rules, particularly pricing and production-related? This is the message he sought to articulate, in the middle of FDR's socialist experimenting.
Hayek held a lantern for us, like the Forbes magazine illustration in an article commemorating him about 15 years ago. There he stands still. In his arms he holds this book, along with The Road to Serfdom. Read these before tackling his other works.
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38 of 41 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
Socialists beware - you will not like this one, but read it, November 11, 1997
By A Customer
Fiedrich Hayek was nearing 60 when he began writing this homage to liberty and liberals (that's the European interpretation for US readers). Throughout 400 odd pages Hayek slammed, among other things, organised labour, socialism, the abuse (politicisation) of words, the political spectrum, and the welfare state. What impressed more in this book than in some of his other works is that here Hayek actually suggested alternatives - some of which have since become economic, if not political, reality. Hayek's great talent was always to see through proposals to their underlying belief(s), and he showed his talent had not dimmed here. Even if one does not agree with anything he says, Hayek presented an awesome argument.
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