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38 of 40 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Reminds Me Of Another Prime Minister, July 12, 2002
Margaret Thatcher's place in history is already firmly established. She earned her place in history's pantheon of great leaders in large part through her unprecedented 3 consecutive electoral victories and the years in office they allowed her to serve, and she continues to closely follow and study global politics as a respected former stateswoman. She is as competent to write on world politics as any leader currently in office, and more qualified than many, whether they currently serve or have served in the past.Lady Thatcher does not mince words, spin ideas, nor does she change her beliefs to suit the mood of the day. In this book she takes many positions that are not fashionable, politically correct, and will not be welcomed by many in or out of office. She presents her case on dozens of issues and offers summaries of what she believes should be done. I would very much enjoy a rebuttal as competent as her presentation; I doubt very much that I would be swayed. I had the privilege of attending one of her speeches, and if you find her persuasive via her writing, she is extraordinary in person. That are many topics that deserve close focus, but I enjoyed her extended discussion of what she terms, "euro-land". I may be wrong, but I feel she equates the usefulness and future of The European Union to be as fictional as another land, that of Disney. Disney deals in fantasy, governments should not. The union is also referred to as a form of United States Of Europe; this fiction is dismembered by Lady Thatcher in great detail, and with arguments of more substance than those who advocate the union. She believes that it is inevitable that the program will fail, and that history will record it as one of the greatest follies attempted in history. Globalism and the concepts of global citizenship are dead on arrival by any rational measure. The European Union is doomed for the same reasons. The world is not populated by homogenous people, language, laws, customs, beliefs, morals, systems of government, or common national interests. And this list is just a small sample. Members who issue the Euro give up a fundamental element of their sovereignty, their right to issue legal tender and manage their economies. The citizens are subject to the laws of their nation, and again this is compromised when a supra-authority like euro-land government develops. Defenders cite the tradition of international law, the miserable record of international law and courts preempts any such defense. Lady Thatcher also points out the aspirations to produce a military force from the members of the union. Most of these aspirations, which are no more than still born fantasies, are often put forward by two of the members, Germany and France. It's amazing how short memories are. I am not suggesting that Germany has any desire to go to war once again, but it is historical fact that as a nation (now fully reunited) they have not worked and played well with their neighbors. France has routinely been run over or has run away from a German advance. Perhaps France is attempting to make friends with the bully that has historically damaged them so badly. They have a history of collaboration with their nation's enemies; they even round up their own citizens and deport them when told to do so by an occupier. Germany will dominate any union; France will be used as is convenient. The arrogance that is often a hallmark of France is almost laughable to read when they state their intention of creating a union to rival The United States not only economically, but to be independent militarily. As the book provides the facts about military strength and spending at present, and the ability of members to spend, the idea of a military group independent of NATO is simply absurd. Lady Thatcher virtually walks the reader around the globe on the dozens of trips she has made since leaving office. Her observations are not drawn from reflection in her home, but from first hand experience. How many present or former leaders have stood at mass graves in the former Yugoslavia as bodies were being exhumed? She has, and these first hand on-site experiences give her the authoritative knowledge to comment and suggest. She also maintains relationships with nearly all of the heads of state she interacted with as Prime Minister and many that took office after she departed. The book is dedicated to President Ronald Reagan, "To whom the world owes so much". The special relationship she had with President Reagan, and the good fortune the world had from these two people in occupying office together for many years, has literally written some of the greatest events of the 20th Century. I said that she reminded me of another Prime Minister of England. My reasons for saying this grow from her candor, her absolute core beliefs, and her willingness to state what the truth is when it is so unpopular to do so. She rightfully has no time for the nonsense that is political correctness. And even though when he was asked about the likelihood of a woman as Prime Minister he thought the idea was so absurd he barely answered, I believe that were he alive, Prime Minister Churchill would have been a supporter and admirer of Prime Minister Thatcher.
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25 of 28 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
A Marvelous Exposition of Her Worldview, September 16, 2002
This is a primer and a prescription for US and British foreign policy. It is one of the best books I've ever read. It reaches me and is in synch with how I view the world, albeit from a more professional, seasoned point of view.
In a very real sense this book is aimed at America. It is brimming with enlightened pragmatism and compassionate realism. It fairly drips with levelheaded wisdom, running off of every page beginning with the first page of the Introduction. Thatcher takes an unassuming, almost motherly, perhaps too forgiving view of how the West let its guard down in the 1990s after the fall of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War.
She is unabashedly anti-communist and a devotee of President Ronald Reagan. She considers him to have been "the supreme architect of the West's Cold War victory" (10). In fact, she dedicated her book to him, "To whom the world owes so much." She believes "that Ronald Reagan and I spoke the same language (in every sense)" (7).
She has a deep love of America -- a connection -- what she calls "a certain idea of America" (20). This stems from her "consciousness of the underlying commonalities of the 'English-speaking world' and of its values" as well as the uniqueness of America and the English roots of that uniqueness. There is "an important truth about America -- namely that it is the most reliable force for freedom in the world, because the entrenched values of freedom are what make sense of its whole existence" (23). She quotes often and liberally from the Declaration of Independence.
Juxtaposed against this love for, and belief in, America is an overarching unilateralism and a resistance to political correctness. In this vein, she advises against making coalition-building a hard prerequisite. It depends on the situation, with America's best interests always paramount.
She has a wonderfully easy, fluid style -- erudite without being ostentatious. She summarizes at the end of most sections with bulletized recommendations. These succinctly capture the framework of her worldview. Borne of experience, they are clear enough to serve the amateur strategist as well as the seasoned diplomat. She shares her view of the world by taking us on a tour through regions, countries, hot spots, and individuals, with penetrating analysis and personal anecdotes.
We find, for example, that "China is one of two countries [to] have radically benefited in terms of the global power and importance from the end of the Cold War" (160), but the leadership in Beijing is fighting a delaying action. China is moving towards economic modernization, pulled inexorably by globalization. White it is a long way from becoming, and might never become, a Western-style democracy, it will become "at least a country whose population enjoy most of the benefits of freedom" (176). We will see a rising middle class, and the process will be facilitated by China's membership in the World Trade Organization. This can be seen in the experience of Hong Kong since transition. To maintain Hong Kong's economic vibrancy, Beijing cannot apply "coercive political measures." The reunification of Hong Kong, it seems to me, may prove to be the turning point, or at least acceleration, to a real "great leap forward."
Her insights are deep and broad, covering the spectrum of historical, political, military, and economic considerations; in each case, from the international level to the local. She has a fundamental faith in democracy and capitalism, but with an acceptance and understanding of the strength and benefits of cultural diversity as democracy and capitalism are practiced in different corners of the globe. She abhors communism, no matter what its nationality, with its totalitarian nature setting it apart from authoritarian regimes.
Her views on Europe are particularly interesting, and she goes into quite some detail about them. (Here she speaks primarily to Britain, not the US.) She sees the European Union as virtually inevitable, the idea being swept along with the currents of globalization, but she is very much against it. She's against surrendering British sovereignty. Moreover, she believes the EU will collapse of its own bureaucratic weight. In fact, there's nary any aspect of it that she thinks will work -- not its political cohesiveness, not a common currency, not its joint Rapid Reaction Force, etc. This is because the union is contrived -- an artificial construct of disparate elements with few if any common bonds.
Her path would be to negotiate a special framework for Britain within the EU -- one that would maintain (or restore) its sovereignty and control over its trade policy. If it cannot negotiate an acceptable set of membership conditions, Britain should "be prepared, if it became necessary, to unilaterally withdraw from EU membership" (402).
It would seem, of course, that the latter is what will come to pass if Prime Minister Tony Blair were to follow her advice since granting such special considerations -- special treatment -- would prove to be the undoing of the EU. (I suppose one could argue that the EU would do whatever it takes to keep Britain in, including a longer transition for Britain even it if meant a longer transition for other member nations, especially if she's correct that the EU needs Britain more than Britain needs the EU (397).)
One alternative to the EU, she suggests, is that Britain join NAFTA (which she would re-christen the North Atlantic Free Trade Area). Interesting thought. She's convinced it would be good for all involved. Anyway, her views and recommended actions reflect her faith in free market capitalism, which, in turn, reflects her faith in the collective intelligence and ingenuity of people.
Thatcher is a Reaganite, through and through, and like President Reagan accomplished during his administration, her book makes one feel good about America. Left-wingers likely will find much to criticize in it, but most of us will find much to cheer. A resounding five stars.
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16 of 17 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
A great book which will definitely cause controversy, April 19, 2002
Margaret Thatcher gives us a book about the difficult political decisions facing leaders of Western nations.I was most impressed with Margaret Thatcher's obvious obsession with always doing what seems morally right and justified, at the risk of becoming rather unpopular in the process. Nowhere is this more evident than in her defense of Chilean General/Senator Pinochet, at a time when it is certainly politically incorrect to openly show any support for this man, despite his undeniable roll in bringing economic and political stability to Chile. Whether one agrees or not with Margaret Thatcher's views, it is clear to me she is a person of integrity, and does not express views aimed at winning any popularity contests. I suspect that at the very least, people will find her book provides some good conversation topics, some challenging ideas, and some reflection on the complex dinamics of the political, ethical, and foreign relations decisions facing us in the immediate years ahead of us.
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