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60 of 62 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Ian Myles Slater on: Dark Ages Semi-Illuminated, May 2, 2004
Gregory, Bishop of Tours from 573 to 594, was a member of a prominent Gallo-Roman family of aristocrats, and, like some of his relatives, was eventually canonized. His accounts of holy men, martyrs, and miracles are still extant; a work on liturgy is lost. He is best remembered, however, for a long work (which he called just "Ten Books of History") on how Gaul was conquered by the Franks, and ruled (after a fashion) by their royal dynasty, the Merovingians; with their relationships with neighboring kingdoms. It is commonly known as "The History of the Franks," although modern scholars tend to disapprove of the title. Gregory generally tells us about what involved members of the dynasty and their followers, or the Church, not the Franks in general. The various rival "Kingdoms of the Franks" corresponded very roughly to modern France and western Germany, and Gregory clearly did not have later political units in mind.
The Franks were Germanic warriors -- probably from a variety of tribes mentioned by Roman historians -- who entered Roman territory as (at least mainly) pagans. The Burgundians, Ostrogoths and Visigoths, Vandals, and other predecessors, had adopted an archaic form of Christianity much earlier, and had come to be stigmatized as followers of the Arian Heresy when they insisted on following their now-traditional ways. The Franks converted -- at least in name -- directly to Post-Nicene, Trinitarian, Catholic, Orthodoxy. This gave their kings an otherwise inexplicable reputation for piety, if not exactly for virtue. (A Merovingian ruler with only one or two illegitimate children, who refrained from murdering more than a few opponents, and tried to protect his subjects, was widely regarded as a saint.)
Gregory, after summarizing the history of the world (Biblical and Christian), focuses on events in the lands of the Franks and their neighbors, eventually reaching his own time, which he reports in considerable, sometimes confusing, and not always reliable, detail. He is a primary source for much of the period. Although sometimes frustrating, he is markedly superior to his immediate (and many not so immediate) successors. As a bishop, he was also an important administrator and judge. He understood practical affairs, and he knew many of the people he describes. A tendency to alleviate the blood-stained darkness with miracle stories is understandable. Given the intellectual assumptions inherited from late antiquity, they do not mark Gregory as particularly gullible or superstitious. One does miss the Venerable Bede's moderation in such matters. (And if you are interested in "Dark Age" Europe, but have not yet read Bede's "Ecclesiastical History of the English," try either the Penguin Classics or Oxford World's Classics translation.)
Gregory's world is the reality behind some later medieval literature, He describes the age of Beowulf (literally; King Hygelac's raid on Frankish-allied Frisia is reported in one chapter). With its royal feuds, pursuit of buried treasure, and royalty with names like Sigibert, Sigismundis, and Brunnichildis, it is the background of parts of the "Nibelungenlied" and "Volsunga Saga." For these reasons alone it would be worth attention. It is also interesting on its own. Despite many lapses in narrative logic (from a modern point of view), and uneven command of Latin, Gregory could tell interesting stories reasonably well. (Erich Auerbach's "Mimesis" has a brilliant discussion of Gregory's failures as a narrator, but fails to mention that the analysis is of a passage -- with inconsequential details of a minor quarrel leading up to a scandalous blood feud -- in which Gregory is reporting testimony given *in his own courtroom*.)
The late Lewis Thorpe's translation is the second complete version in English. The first, by O.M. Dalton, appeared in two volumes -- the first being an Introduction -- in 1927, and was reprinted in the early 1970s. It has a reputation for meticulous accuracy, not for enjoyable reading. (I made unsuccessful attempts to read it through, not long before Thorpe's translation became available in 1974.) And Dalton's impressive scholarship (mainly from before World War I) is nearly a century out of date.
(There is a volume of selections from the "History" and other books by Gregory, translated by Ernest Brehaut, reprinted several times, and excerpted on various websites. It was published in the Columbia University "Records of Civilization" series in -- I think -- 1922; some sources say 1916. Gregory went on record opposing any excerpting or abridging of the "Ten Books" (and was right -- the longer stories are reduced to rubble ), but Brehaut's offering is still worth a look.)
Thorpe is readily available, less expensive, and far more enjoyable. The weird and violent world of witchcraft-fearing, God-bribing, homicidal dynasts (sometimes compared to the Wild West, but without many White Hats) presents itself to the reader, with helpful notes along the way. A superb index also help sort out characters and events, which frequently are spread over several chapters or different books, as events unfolded before Gregory's eyes.
Some medievalists have challenged the accuracy of Thorpe's translation. The examples I have seen look to me (a very amateur Latinist, to be sure) more like debatable interpretations than obvious errors. Thorpe does tend to prefer the clear and interesting, but questionable, reading of the original to the cautious but obscure one. A nautical historian will be concerned that Thorpe has Scandinavian *navi* (ships, or large boats) prepare to "sail back" instead of "turn back," (*reverti*), because he suspects they were using oars, not sails. Most readers, for whom motor-driven vessels also "sail" from place to place, will not be aware of the distinction.
If you need such precision (say, for a college-level course), checking a passage against Dalton, and if possible a well-edited Latin edition, would obviously be advisable. (There is an on-line Latin text, as "Historia Francorum," which is helpful, but lacks information on variants and other important details found in full editions. Inevitably, Thorpe was not able to take advantage of the last quarter-century of scholarship, which has re-evaluated Gregory's methods, goals, and accomplishments, along with those of other early medieval historians and chroniclers. But Gregory's "History" is essential reading for anyone with a serious interest in early medieval Europe, particularly the early Germanic kingdoms, and Thorpe's translation is a fine entry into the field.
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20 of 20 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Fratricide, Poison, Being Ripped Apart by Wild Horses - Gotta Love Those Franks!, August 25, 2006
I first ran across Gregory of Tours years ago in an Early Medieval History course at the University of Houston (Go Haskins Society!). Under the tutelage of a great instructor (Dr. V~) the class read primary texts instead of the usual dry drivel that history teachers resort to. The History of the Franks was one of these.
And it's a great book no matter how you approach it. First, if it was not for Gregory's tome we fans of barbarians would have to resort to the rather sketchy coda (or laws) and archaeological data of that era to ascertain what was going on. (Okay there were those dry church records too.)
With Gregory of Tours we get sort of an "Examiner" newspaper view of earthly events.
For example, about the Bishop Cautinus:
Once he had taken possession of his bishopric, Cautinus began to behave so badly that he was soon loathed by everybody. He began to drink heavily. He was often so completely fuddled with wine that it would take four men to carry him from the table.
For example, mother-daughter relations:
Rigunth, Chilperic's daughter, was always attacking her mother (Fredegund), and saying that she herself was the real mistress, whereas her mother ought to revert to her original rank of serving-woman. She would often insult her mother to her face, and they frequently exchanged slaps and punches. 'Why do you hate me so, daughter?' Fredegund asked her one day. 'You can take all your father's things which are still in my possession, and do what you like with them.' She led the way into a strong-room and opened a chest which was full of jewels and precious ornaments. ...
... Rigunth was stretching her arm into the chest to take out some more things, when her mother suddenly seized the lid and slammed it down on her neck. She leant on it with all her might and the edge of the chest pressed so hard against the girls' throat.... (well you'll have to go to page 521 to see how it turns out - lol.)
Five Stars. Interesting and exciting reading - at least for barbarian fans and historians. One should note that there is a great deal of violence so that the book might not be for everyone.
Pam T.
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17 of 20 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
Not For Everyone, November 25, 2001
The chronicles of Bishop Gregory of Tours are a rich piece of source material from a time and place whence such material is scarce. He seems to know all that was going on and he doesn't hesitate to tell it all. The political and social chaos left in the wake of the collapse of Rome's secular authority in the west is described in a vivid and readable style. Petty chieftains ruled over their local territories with little restraint, often inflicting cruel fates on those who crossed their paths. Order was precarious. Life was dangerous and often cut short arbitrarily. In the midst of all this upheaval, Gregory shines forth like a sixth century gossip columnist.What I found most intriguing in Gregory's account is the way that the local Roman aristocracy used the structure of the church to maintain whatever degree of order and restraint they could manage. Gregory doesn't make this point explicitly, but it is clear from his account of events and people. Bishops routinely came from families of senatorial rank, and were often men who had already raised families themselves. By holding positions as abbots, bishops, etc., the remnants of the old order were able to exert influence over the barbarian chiefs who now controlled secular life, encouraging moderation and the rule of law over personal whim. They were also able to maintain a certain degree of moral and, in a limited sense, secular authority for Rome. Though imperial authority was gone, the bishops of Rome were able to step into the void in a limited way. The modern Popes can be seen as direct descendants of the Caesars in an institutional sense. Despite his gossipy style, Gregory isn't for everyone. He clearly doesn't have the formal training of the classical Roman historians. His narrative is not only gossipy, but somewhat jumbled. The familiarity is pleasant, but the cascade of names and events can be quite difficult. For the historian, or the reader with a serious interest in this period, this is a treasure trove of information, but the casual reader may struggle to keep it all straight. If that happens, Gregory's "History" can become more work than pleasure.
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