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33 of 34 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Philosophical Landmark, February 27, 1999
This is one of the most important works ever written. In the Second Treatise, Locke lays down the theory of natural law and how it relates to the individual as well as to government. Although he was not the first or the only writer tp elaborate such a theory, his interpretation is clear and eloquent, as can be seen in its use in the Declaration of Independence. The First Treatise was basically a refutation of the now obscure authoritarian work "Patriarcha" by Sir Robert Filmer. Although it is an interesting piece, it has long been rightfully overshadowed by its partner. If for some reason you are actually seeking a refutation of Filmer, I would refer you to Algernon Sidney's more lengthy "Discourses Concerning Government." By far the finest edition of this work is Peter Laslett's, and I consider the purchase of any other edition a sorry waste of money. In his lengthy introductory essays, he traces the historical,political, and philosophical background of John Locke's life and ideas as well as the actual writing of the work itself. His greatest contribution however, is proving that the work was written well before the Glorious Revolution of 1688.
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16 of 18 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Seminal, November 20, 2003
The Treatises of Government, particularly the Second Treatise, are cornerstone works in Western thought. The First Treatise is devoted primarily to demolishing the notion that monarchial rule is divinely sanctioned and is mainly of interest to scholars. The Second Treatise, however, is a fundamental work that can be read profitably by anyone with an interest in philosophy, ethics, and European history. The Second Treatise is relatively short and easy to read. This is the standard edition. When reading these books, it is important to bear in the mind that one of Locke's aims was to defend the Glorious Revolution which overthrew the Stuart monarchs of Britain. Locke then attempted not only to produce a vigorous attack on traditional justifications for monarchy (the First Treatise) but also a set of positive doctrines (the Second Treatise) which would provide a coherent alternative to the idea of divinely sanctioned monarchial power. The longest, and last, chapter in the Second Treatise is the one in which Locke outlines the circumstances under which governments may be overthrown.
In the Second Treatise, Locke begins implicitly with a view of God as a beneficient Creator who endowed Man with sbustantial rational faculties, intrinsic rights, and dignity. These rational faculties lead to choices that allow the construction of justified and appropriate governments. In terms of rights, the key word is property, by which Locke means not only property in the sense of possessions but also property in themselves, essentially a certain freedom of choice, and what he terms "liberties" or basic human rights. In several important senses, these rights are inalienable. A man may contract with another for use of labor but cannot sell himself into slavery, and others may not deprive men of their property and liberties. Locke follows this line of argument to many important, and in the context of the time, novel conclusions. Slavery is forbidden. Children reaching the age of maturity are equals. Some of Locke's language can be construed as offering some rights to women.
Locke develops an optimistic social contract theory in which men band together to overcome some of the defects of the state of nature. This is the origin of government, which rests on the consent of the governed and is supposed to be in the service of the governed. Locke devotes a fair amount of the Second Treatise to outlining his conception of political power, in many respects a juidicial one, and to a broad discussion of the structure of acceptable governments.
While some important aspects of Locke's scheme, notably his affirmation of a social contract theory as the historical basis for government, are clearly wrong, many of his ideas became fundamental to our present ideas of a justified society. The notions of intrinsic human rights and government depending on consent are essential.
The Second Treatise is a relatively short work and aspects of interpretation are ambiguous. A very good example is the emphasis on property. Locke is regarded commonly, especially by conservative intellectuals, as the defender of private property strictly construed. There is some justification for this interpretation. On the other hand, in the state of nature at any rate, Locke is quite clear that individuals should use only what they need for reasonable subsistence and he is opposed clearly to social dominance in any society. Locke's view of how economic property is created is quite interesting. In the state of nature at least, property is created by the admixture of human labor with the fruits of the earth. This is a labor theory of value and in Locke's case, the value created has not only an economic component but also a moral dimension. The labor theory of value had a distinguished history in early economic thought and ended up being a prominent component of Marxist political theory. This makes Locke not only an ancestor of 19th century laissez-faire theorist but also of their greatest critic, Karl Marx.
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13 of 15 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
Going to the (Somewhat inconsistent) Source, May 14, 2001
Those of us living in liberal democracies owe tremendous intellectual debt to John Locke. His "Second Treatise" in particular helped lay the foundation for a political system that emphasized "life, liberty, and property." The First Treatise is interesting to skim through, though it is in the second where the Locke is most substantive. His Theory of Private Property, which could also be construed as a theory of value, is an unmistakable revolution in political thought. It is, as Locke contends, when man applies his labor to nature that he is entitled to it. Questions about environmental ethics or indegenous rights aside, this observation, made in a still heavily ecclesiastical society, is a brilliant one. Furthermore, Locke's understanding of the formation of government is based on a hypothetical "state of nature" account. Locke's arguments are intellectually pleasing, and his social-scientific models make intuitive sense. Given that, perhaps the only weakness of the work is its failure to adequately analyze such concepts as the social contract or his theory of labor-property relations. For example, Locke fails to seriously consider what we should do with states that are clearly formed by mere force. Indeed, he doesn't adequately address the possibility that such a state could justify its existence on the grounds that "better tyranny than nothing." While Locke believes that a state that doesn't respect private property cannot last for very long, history says otherwise. Of course, in retrospect it is easier to criticize Locke in these regards, but with Machiavelli before him it was not as though these ideas were not known. There are admittedly other inconsistencies, such as his view on taxation later in the book and on who "owns" the grass his serf cuts. Interestingly enough, Locke is unwilling to expound on the distinction between property garnered for the sake of personal enjoyment (possessions) and property garnered for the sake of profit. Nevertheless, the work is a passionate defense of a liberal government, and the points are persuasively argued. As long as the reader, as Locke himself urges, keeps a skeptical attitude, this work has much to offer.
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