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57 of 61 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
An interesting, sympathetic study of a little-known minority, November 12, 1996
By A Customer
In the latter half of the nineteenth century the LDS (Mormon) Church,
settled in what is now the State of Utah, authorized and encouraged
men to take multiple wives. This was based on a belief that such
marriages were the will of God. The practice led to intense
opposition by the US government, causing the LDS Church to officially
abandon this position in 1890. Some church members, convinced that
plural marriage was correct and the official church leadership had
fallen from the true path, separated and formed their own churches
where the practice of plural marriage continued. Such practitioners
are automatically excommunicated by the official LDS Church. Plural
marriage is actually a criminal offense in Utah, but the state has not
actively prosecuted it for several decades. The last major organized
police raid on one of these churches occurred in the 1950s.
Beginning in the 1970s Joseph Ginat, then a graduate student of
anthropology at the University of Utah, began building contacts with
these Mormon fundamentalists, estimated to number between 20,000 and
60,000. This was a slow and delicate process because of the long
history of oppression. Practitioners of plural marriage are still
subject to various forms of discrimination so tend to be secretive.
For this reason, it is effectively impossible to gather reliable
statistics on these people, so any numbers quoted should be taken as
very approximate.
Members of the Mormon fundamentalist churches share a belief in the
patriarchal authority and duties of the husband, traditional gender
roles, and having lots of kids. About 20% of their families are
plural marriages. There are two main fundamentalist churches: one in
a rural area on the Utah-Arizona border, and another in urban Salt
Lake County. There are also a number of smaller groups and
independent families. The rural church is more conservative than the
urban church. A few radical or outspoken groups get most of the media
attention, but the majority of fundamentalists are very quiet.
Drs. Altman and Ginat studied 26 Mormon fundamentalist plural marriage
families by interviewing them in their homes and other locations.
Most of those interviewed had been born or raised within the
fundamentalist movement. This book is a report of what the authors
learned about those families, with some comparisons to other societies
with similar practices.
A fundamentalist Mormon plural marriage includes one husband and two
or more wives. This is commonly called "polygamy" but is more
correctly polygyny, since there are no plural marriages with more than
one husband. About 2/3 of plural marriages are one husband and two
wives. Frequently two or more wives are sisters. Most plural
marriage families are in the middle to lower-middle socioeconomic
class, with few members holding professional or managerial jobs. The
combination of large numbers of children, middling job skills and the
necessity of avoiding persecution places a great strain on the
financial resources of many such families.
The addition of a wife to a family ideally occurs with the approval of
the new wife's parents, the existing wife or wives in the family, and
relevant church leaders. In the rural group, however, some marriages
are arranged by the church leaders, perhaps to provide for a widow.
In some cases, the addition of a wife is initiated by women who want
to become family and so persuade the husband to go along. Failure to
achieve consensus before a marriage can produce family turmoil,
perhaps leading to divorce.
Weddings are generally officiated by church leaders, and are marriages
between the husband and the individual wife. The other wives in a
family may take part in the ceremony, but they are not considered to
be directly wed to the new wife.
Each wife has a strong bond with her husband, while bonds between the
wives are generally weaker. Most wives give each other mutual
support, but some have conflicted relationships. The husband is
expected to be fair and treat each wife equally; failure to do so
sometimes leads to counseling by church leaders or even divorce.
Often family members turn to their religious faith to sustain them
through periods of family conflict. There is an expectation that the
husband's patriarchal authority can be used to settle disagreements
that can't be negotiated.
Normally, each wife has her own living space, whether a room or an
entire house, where she is sovereign. In some cases two or more wives
share a house but have their own rooms. The husband generally rotates
among these homes by some arrangement, with the rotation system
varying between families. Most husbands have little or no space of
their own.
Child care practices vary between families. Most expect each child's
mother to have primary responsibility for raising the child, but the
actual work is frequently shared among wives in ways that adapt to
changing circumstances. Many families house teenagers in shared rooms
segregated by sex, with younger children kept closer to their mother.
In most families the father has substantially less involvment with his
children than does the mother.
Most husbands celebrate the anniversary of their marriage to each
wife, generally by doing something special and personal with her.
Relatively few holidays bring the entire family together for a
celebration; in the largest families, this would be a major
undertaking. Common family celebrations are Thanksgiving, Christmas
and father's birthday. Several fundamentalist families decline to
celebrate Christmas on the grounds that it has become too commercial.
Most plural wives must work, apparently out of economic necessity. A
few have their own businesses. Although the husband is the nominal
patriarch, most plural wives see less of their husband than a
monogamous wife would and most are therefore independent and
self-reliant. However, the husband is expected to be there when
needed.
Both researchers are male, and most of the interviews were arranged
through husbands. In fact, men were in practical control of the
interview process with a few minor exceptions. It is interesting to
speculate on what might come out if women were to interview plural
wives in the absence of any men.
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