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34 of 38 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars
Christianity-Nazi style, May 27, 2003
Richard Steigmann-Gall's new book offers an important re-evaluation of German history. For years scholars have argued that Nazism was fundamentally anti-Christian. In recent years we have become more aware of the moral failure of Christianity to oppose the Nazis, whether it is over the recent controversies over the Vatican and the Pope, or from the disproportionate support given the Nazis by rural Protestant believers, or from the complete failure of German chaplins to oppose war crimes while assigned to the Wehrmacht. Now Steigmann-Gall reminds us that the Nazis themselves were not uniformly, or even mainly, anti-Christian. Steigmann-Gall starts off with telling us that one prominent Nazi war criminal, Erich Koch, was in 1932 the president of a provincial Protestant Church synod. Other Nazis were also Christian believers, such as William Kube and Walter Buch, the head of the Nazi Party Court, and Martin Boorman's father-in-law. More typically, many Nazis were believes in "positive Christianity," which was fiercely nationalist and anti-Jewish. Goebbels spoke of the struggle "between Christ and Marx," and Hitler spoke well of Jesus (supposedly an Aryan Christ) and The Ten Commandments to the end of his life. Goering had his children baptized, as well as Goebbels. These Nazi Christians disliked Catholicism-it was too powerful and internationalist a movement to be incorporated into Nazi doctrine-but at least until 1937 many Nazis were keen with working on organizing the Protestants into a more unified Church. Nor was this simply a sign of the Nazi lust for power. There were many elements within German Protestant doctrine that made a rapport with the Nazis plausible-a shared anti-Semitism, authoritarianism, nationalism and pseudo-socialist demagoguery. Steigmann-Gall, in his discussion of the struggle between the "German Christians" and the less Nazi "Confessing Church," makes good use of his knowledge of the chaos and confusion, the polyocracy of the Nazi state. He points out that many of the "German Christians" moves were made on their own initiative, not the Nazi Party's, that many Nazis, including Hitler, were opposed to their rashness and crudity, that much of the opposition to their hamhandedness came from loyal and viciously anti-Semitic Nazis from Franconia. He also reminds us of the fundamental loyalty of most of the Confessing Church. (No Protestant publicly protested the Euthanasia campaign and one Confessing Church member lauded that only 0.3% of clergymen were non-Aryan.) There was a paganist element among the Nazis from the very beginning, and it continued right to the end. For much of the twenties and thirties this was personified by the figure of Alfred Rosenberg, whose sinister stare and vicious ideology blurred the fact, as Steigmann-Gall shows, that he was a stupendously ineffective politician and player in the Nazi regime. Indeed, refutations of his pompous "Myth of the Twentieth Century" were allowed to circulate freely in the thirties. Heinrich Himmler was also a powerful "pagan", and it is striking that both Hitler and Goebbels viewed his nostalgia for the Ancient German Past and his enthusiasm for Occultist and Asian religions as very silly. As time went on there would be bans on clergymen becoming Nazis, and restrictions on SS members holding Church Office. But these restrictions also applied to professional pagans. In the war years, Martin Boorman, the power beyond the throne asserted his own fierce anti-Christian views. These views seemed to be based, as Steigmann-Gall points out, not on any coherent Nazi anti-Christianity, but on spite towards his in-laws. Nor was he always successful in his struggles in the Nazi's chaotic bureaucracy. Goebbels prevented him from having Bishop Galen executed for denouncing euthanasia, and also prevented him from removing religious music from the air. Even Boorman could not remove churches altogether from his dark plans for the Warthegau. Himmler's deputy, Heydrich, was also a powerful pagan, but after his assassination his replacement, Kaltenbrunner, eased snooping of Christians noticeably. Steigmann-Gall makes some important points about Hitler's rage against Christainity. First off, Hitler was not an atheist, despised atheism and of course despised the Enlightenment Liberalism and Marxist Socialism that are the main sources for modern atheism. Secondly, one should be cautious about Hitler's "Table Talk." Richard Carrier has argued that it has been unscrupulously translated: while in English Hitler denounces Christianity as the greatest idiocy, in the actual German it is clear that Hitler's target is transubstantiation. Steigmann-Gall points out that Hitler had the habit of telling people what they wanted to hear, and his most venomous comments were made in front of Bormann and Himmler. Third, Steigmann-Gall also makes the suggestion that instead of seeing Hitler's anger at Christianity as a revelation of Nazism's basic antipathy, it should be seen as the bitter rage of a defeated megalomaniac, a rage Hitler also directed at the army, some of his closest associates, and indeed the German people themselves. There is one major flaw with the book. "Positive Christians" spoke of getting rid of the Old Testament and described Jesus as an Aryan. While Anti-Semitism can be compatible with Christianity, these beliefs clearly aren't. Steigmann-Gall does not really deal with this point. It is not enough for him to show that many Liberal Protestants had a dim view of Judaism. The connections he does draw, between the liberal scholar von Harnack's sympathy with the anti-Jewish heretic "Marcion" are too small and too obscure to bear the weight Steigmann-Gall places on them. Liberal biblical scholarship clearly showed that Jesus was a Jew. How anyone could have thought otherwise is not something that Steigmann-Gall explains. Nevertheless, this is an important revision that simply goes beyond what leading Nazis happened to think. Instead of viewing Nazi anti-Semitism as a new "racial" variety we can see its continuity with other religious and conservative ideologies. Instead of viewing totalitarianism as fundamentally anti-Christian we can see it is as similar to other expressions of "post-Christian" moralisms. It is, as Steigmann Gall's says "much closer to us than we dare allow ourselves to believe."
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