From Publishers Weekly
Avlon, a columnist for the New York Sun, a staffer in Clinton's 1996 election campaign and former chief speechwriter for Rudy Giuliani, argues that centrism, "the rising political force in modern American life," also offers the best chance for America to prosper. Part history, part political philosophy, part roadmap for centrists, this volume demonstrates Avlon's thesis by exploring political battlegrounds-from state primaries to presidential campaigns-in which a centrist message succeeded. To Avlon centrism is not a matter of compromise or reading polls; rather it's an antidote to the politics of divisiveness, providing principled opposition to political extremes. His description of Maine Republican senator Margaret Chase Smith's morally and politically courageous Senate speech rejecting McCarthyism four years before the Senate censured him embodies Avlon's view of centrism, and he uses that example to demonstrate the value of centrists like Smith to the body politic. Perhaps the most remarkable achievement he describes was that of Earl Warren, who in 1946 ran for governor of California in the Republican, Democratic and Progressive primaries-and won all three. Avlon's centrist tent is a large one: the political campaigns of presidents as diverse as Theodore Roosevelt, Wilson, JFK, Nixon and Clinton are chronicled to demonstrate the staying power and effectiveness of centrist politics. But his broad definition of centrism somewhat undercuts his thesis, and his failure to address the times when centrist politics may not have been appropriate-the New Deal era, for example-also leaves lingering questions. Still, Avlon's argument that centrism is good for America is appealing.
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Former Rudy Giuliani speechwriter Avlon posits that political accomplishment has stemmed and should continue to stem from a centrist posture. Avlon goes on to chronicle the careers of such disparate "centrists" as Teddy Roosevelt, Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton, Jesse Ventura, and--yes--Rudy Giuliani, to name but a few. As for his theory, Arthur Schlesinger gave a superior outline in his book
The Vital Center (1988). Avlon also seems to cherish only one model of a centrist--the budgetary conservative with his fingers on the pulse of politically correct social issues. Still, the author makes a good point when he suggests that political parties should be able to bridge various policies that would appear to be perfect fits (e.g., if maximizing freedom of choice is one's concern, why shouldn't pro-choice liberals take school choice vouchers under their umbrella?). The fault, Avlon suggests, lies in the curse of special-interest politics. In all, the book's salvation lies in the essay-size bios, which are very revealing, instructive, and full of new insights about stories we thought we already knew.
Allen WeaklandCopyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
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