The American Way of War: Guided Missiles, Misguided Men, and a Republic in Peril (Hardcover)

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Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

A scholar and documentary film maker (Why We Fight), Jarecki presents a succinct explanation of why modern presidents can make war whenever they feel like it. Jarecki writes that America's founders worried about presidential belligerence, so the Constitution gave war-making authority to Congress, which declared all our foreign wars through WWII—and none afterward. Drawing on historical research and interviews, he emphasizes that the young America was less isolationist than histories proclaim, invading Canada and Mexico several times and taking great interest in international affairs. But war fever really arose only with the start of the Cold War. Suddenly presidents commanded an enormous peacetime force and wielded the immense powers Roosevelt had acquired in WWII. Since then, Congress has gone along with presidential decisions to make war (then grumble if it doesn't go well). Today President Bush asserts that terrorism requires a perpetual state of emergency and that he will launch a pre-emptive war if he detects a threat to America's security. In this illuminating—and to some, perhaps, discouraging—book, Jarecki says there is only a modest groundswell of opinion to curb presidential powers. (Oct. 14)
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Product Description

In the sobering aftermath of America's invasion of Iraq, Eugene Jarecki, the creator of the award-winning documentary Why We Fight, launches a penetrating and revelatory inquiry into how forces within the American political, economic, and military systems have come to undermine the carefully crafted structure of our republic -- upsetting its balance of powers, vastly strengthening the hand of the president in taking the nation to war, and imperiling the workings of American democracy. This is a story not of simple corruption but of the unexpected origins of a more subtle and, in many ways, more worrisome disfiguring of our political system and society.

While in no way absolving George W. Bush and his inner circle of their accountability for misguiding the country into a disastrous war -- in fact, Jarecki sheds new light on the deepest underpinnings of how and why they did so -- he reveals that the forty-third president's predisposition toward war and Congress's acquiescence to his wishes must be understood as part of a longer story. This corrupting of our system was predicted by some of America's leading military and political minds.

In his now legendary 1961 farewell address, President Dwight D. Eisenhower warned of "the disastrous rise of misplaced power" that could result from the increasing influence of what he called the "military industrial complex." Nearly two centuries earlier, another general turned president, George Washington, had warned that "overgrown military establishments" were antithetical to republican liberties. Today, with an exploding defense budget, millions of Americans employed in the defense sector, and more than eight hundred U.S. military bases in 130 countries, the worst fears of Washington and Eisenhower have come to pass.

Surveying a scorched landscape of America's military adventures and misadventures, Jarecki's groundbreaking account includes interviews with a who's who of leading figures in the Bush administration, Congress, the military, academia, and the defense industry, including Republican presidential nominee John McCain, Colin Powell's former chief of staff Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, and longtime Pentagon reformer Franklin "Chuck" Spinney. Their insights expose the deepest roots of American war making, revealing how the "Arsenal of Democracy" that crucially secured American victory in WWII also unleashed the tangled web of corruption America now faces. From the republic's earliest episodes of war to the use of the atom bomb against Japan to the passage of the 1947 National Security Act to the Cold War's creation of an elaborate system of military-industrial-congressional collusion, American democracy has drifted perilously from the intent of its founders. As Jarecki powerfully argues, only concerted action by the American people can, and must, compel the nation back on course.

The American Way of War is a deeply thoughtprovoking study of how America reached a historic crossroads and of how recent excesses of militarism and executive power may provide an opening for the redirection of national priorities.

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Product Details

• Hardcover: 336 pages
• Publisher: Free Press; 1 edition (October 14, 2008)
• Language: English
• ISBN-10: 1416544569
• ISBN-13: 978-1416544562
• Product Dimensions: 9.1 x 6.3 x 1.3 inches
• Shipping Weight: 15.2 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
• Average Customer Review: 4.5 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (21 customer reviews)
• Amazon.com Sales Rank: #297,067 in Books (See Bestsellers in Books)

Customer Reviews

Most Helpful Customer Reviews

68 of 83 people found the following review helpful:

4.0 out of 5 stars Booking the Empire: Eugene Jarecki's AMERICAN WAY OF WAR, October 7, 2008

By	R. C. Williams "Vermont Commons Web Editor" (Mad River Valley, Vermont) - See all my reviews (REAL NAME)

Booking the Empire: "Why We Fight" Filmmaker Makes His Case In Print

by Rob Williams; editor, Vermont Commons newspaper

What happens when an award-winning documentary film producer turns to a print monograph to make his case?

If you are Eugene Jarecki, the answer (to borrow a baseball metaphor) is: you hit a solid triple, with an eye towards home plate.

Jarecki's new book - The American Way of War: Guided Missiles, Misguided Men and a Republic in Peril (Simon and Schuster, 2008; 324 pages) - is a provocative and personal exploration of the same crucial themes he explored in his Sundance Film Festival 2005 Grand Jury Prize-winning documentary "Why We Fight." Ignore Jarecki's "confession" to being "first and foremost a filmmaker" on page 1, rather than a "policy scholar, a soldier" or an "insider to the workings of America's military establishment."

Pay his humility no mind. Jarecki possesses a keen eye for detail, an ability to listen closely to his subject's personal and professional motivations (and the often-felt tension between the two), and a knack for speaking synechdocally - that is, using individuals and moments to illustrate larger systemic and historical truths, and the reader is the better for it.

The book begins, as his film does, with President Dwight David Eisenhower's 1961 "Farewell Address," in which the prescient Ike warns Americans to guard against the dangers of the "military-industrial complex," that potent and profit-seeking combination of special interests that might spell the death of the U.S. republic. Jarecki then takes us on a historical and global tour of the United States, from its early 20th century emergence as a global imperial force to the present moment, with some remarkable stops along the way, from interviews with air force pilots and West Point cadets to conversations with those in the highest levels of government, including Richard Perle and Republican presidential candidate John McCain, who proclaims the United States to be "the greatest force for good in the world today."

How McCain measures this goodness is, of course, a matter for readers to ponder, given the economic and political realities of our current moment, and Jarecki's book, while wisely steering clear of an attempt to exhaustively chronicle America's empire-building abroad, explores the historical tension between America's desire to remain a neutral, even isolationist player on the world stage, and its desire to build an Empire. Eisenhower, for whom Jarecki has deep admiration (as have I, even more so after reading Jarecki's book) remains the central figure here, walking a remarkable line between competing pulls on his loyalty as a military man, a policymaker, and a compassionate human being in a tough position of leadership.

Not surprisingly, as Eisenhower himself warned, the war-making and profit-taking interests have dominated this debate during the past sixty years, and Jarecki takes pains to explain the nuances that undergird the building of the most powerful (and expensive) Empire in world history. His final chapter - "Shock and Awe at Home" - is a referendum on the past eight years of King George's administration. For anyone who is unfamiliar with or has forgotten how the USA PATRIOT Act, or John Yoo's new and novel legal theory of "the unitary executive," or the John Warner and Military Commissions Acts, or the FISA nonsense, or dozens of other presidential abuses of power have reshaped the federal government's very essence over the past eight years, a close reading of this chapter alone is worth the price of the book. And I am not comforted by the conclusion most observers make here - that, once Mr. Bush exits office stage right, somehow everything will "return to normal." Sunset clauses somehow provide little comfort here.

Speaking critically, as a U.S. historian and secessionist/ decentralist, my arguments with Jarecki's book are not insignificant. I find troubling his refusal to touch the mountain of evidence - the scholarly and well-researched work of David Ray Griffin or Michael Ruppert, for example - that suggests that the 9/11 attacks served as a "false flag" operation engineered by elements within the U.S. government to advance a "new Pearl Harbor." This is an odd omission, since this phrase is one he uses repeatedly in the book, quoting the Project For A New American Century's statement calling for a new "defensive" posture - one that essential advocates a policy of "full spectrum dominance" in which the U.S. militarizes the entire globe and outer space. (Orwell would be nodding knowingly right now.)

Jarecki's otherwise spot on "iron triangle" analysis - in which he masterfully considers the intricate interconnections among the U.S. military, profit (and war) seeking global corporations, and both the legislative and executive branches - largely leaves out the vital role of U.S. media and "news" outlets as propaganda arms for war-making (General Electric manufactures weapons systems for the Pentagon AND owns NBC, which hypes war 24/7. This is not a coincidence).

And, perhaps most importantly, Jarecki chooses to downplay the tremendous amount of money U.S.-based multinational corporations (and the politicians who front for and work with them - Dick Cheney, Don Rumsfeld, and the current occupant of the White House, He Who Must Not Be Named) have made supporting what former Bush I insider-turned whistleblower Catherine Austin Fitts calls "the tapeworm economy."

The country of Iraq is a perfect example here. Let's connect the dots: the U.S. military-industrial-media-energy-complex makes money bombing and destroying Iraq (Ka-ching!), "rebuilding" Iraq, often badly and/or corruptedly (Ka-ching!, Part 2), while privatizing all of its assets (Ka-ching! Part 3). Oil, black gold, is the bloody tip of the spear point here, as 1 million Iraqis have died since the U.S. 2003 invasion, 2 million more have been displaced, and the U.S. taxpayers have been left footing what Nobel Prize winning economist Joseph Stieglitz has estimated to be a $3 trillion dollar war ("on terror, that "will not end in our lifetimes," according to Mr. Cheney.)

If I sound outraged, I am - and, while I deeply appreciate Jarecki's willingness to listen to all sides, I found myself wishing he'd take off the gloves, at times. But I am also willing to own my own sense of outrage, and laud Jarecki for his vital contribution to this important and unfolding conversation about the future of the United States under the regime that is the "military-industrial complex." In turning to typography, filmmaker Jarecki has produced what many will see as a minor tour de force, an important book at a pivotal moment in the history of the United States republic-turned-empire.

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful:

5.0 out of 5 stars An amazing jaunt through the history of the MIC(C), December 28, 2008

By	James Ridgway (San Diego, CA USA) - See all my reviews (REAL NAME)

(What's this?)

This book is different than I thought it would be. This book takes you through the history of the Military Industrial Complex starting during and after World War II and on through the current situation in Iraq. Jarecki takes the reader through the past 60 years of the MIC and creates real interest in what has gone before and where we find ourselves today. The dangerous increase in power that has come to the Executive branch of the US Government is nothing new, it has simply been brought to new heights with the latest 'regime'.

This is an excellent and easy to read book. The author keeps the subject interesting and puts everything in superb perspective.

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful:

4.0 out of 5 stars A worthwhile summary, November 26, 2008

By	Mark Shanks (Portland, OR) - See all my reviews (REAL NAME)

(What's this?)

There isn't a great deal of "new" information here (Jarecki claims a scoop by saying that Colin Powell was fired, and that Dick Cheney really wields the power), but there IS a LOT of solid information for newcomers to the subject. Unfortunately, I think he could have used a better editor - the material doesn't flow very well, and the uninitiated may be overwhelmed if their worldview is more "Norman Rockwell" than "Francis Bacon". He jumps from the first bombs on Baghdad to the pre-Pearl Harbor McCollum memo and Roosevelt's possible knowledge and motivations with relationship to the Japanese attack. On to the 1947 National Security Act, then it's back to PNAC and the neocons, and a change of course to an interview with Dwight Eisenhower's son and Smdley Butler's "War Is A Racket". Some difficult transitions there.

That said, he makes a persuasive and generally fairly rant-free case that the military-industrial complex has developed to such an extent that the very foundation of government, the separation of powers, has been badly distorted, and not just by the current Administration. Of course, a single book couldn't possibly trace ALL of the circumstances that have lead to our present sorry Imperial state, but this is an excellent starting point.