American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass by Douglas Massey  (10)
$20.25
|
When Work Disappears : The World of the New Urban Poor by William Julius Wilson  (18)
$10.20
|
The Geography Of Opportunity: Race And Housing Choice In Metropolitan America (James A. Johnson Metro Series) by Xavier N. De Souza Briggs
$26.96
|
Our Town: Race, Housing and the Soul of Suburbia by David L. Kirp  (1)
$23.95
|
Another Planet : A Year in the Life of a Suburban High School by Elinor Burkett  (38)
|
This item is not eligible for Amazon Prime, but millions of other items are. Join Amazon Prime today. Already a member? Sign in.
|
|||||||||||||
Customers Who Bought This Item Also Bought
Editorial Reviews
From Publishers Weekly
In another of a spate of Brown v. Board of Education 50th anniversary books this season, this compelling book, beyond a lament about Brown's unfulfilled promise, argues that integrated, multi-class communities are the only fair solution. Cashin, a law professor at Georgetown, reminds us that our enduring segregation is the product of private and public choices, such as exclusionary zoning, federal mortgage insurance and urban redevelopment (which created hyper-segregation in public housing). Cashin sees inevitable costs to middle-class black separatism: African-Americans in suburbia are usually steered to enclaves in the opposite direction of economic growth; when they hit critical mass, whites flee, poorer blacks move in, schools decline and commercial and retail investors steer clear. For whites, the search for suburban privilege also has its costs: higher prices for housing, suburban sprawl and the more intangible incapacity to relate to the "other." High-poverty schools lack both models for success and activist parents, and also breed an oppositional culture—all a prelude to the extraordinary rate of black men in the criminal justice system. Cashin argues that civil rights groups should focus more on attacking housing discrimination and segregation. She also advocates other policies: break up the ghettos (such as via programs that give suburban housing vouchers to those in public housing), offer incentives for ownership in high-poverty neighborhoods, require new developments to have low-income housing and expand school choice and cross-jurisdictional choice. Cashin argues powerfully that such integration is crucial to build democracy and diminish racial barriers: "[T]he rest of society should stop fearing us and ordering themselves in a way that is designed to avoid us where we exist in numbers."
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
From Booklist
The landmark Brown v. Board of Education has not led to integrated education for black children, because our nation's housing patterns are stubbornly segregated along class and race lines. Because this state of affairs is not written into law, it appears to be "normal." But Cashin, a law professor, challenges this assumption, asserting that racially segregated housing, and the resultant segregated schools, is an outgrowth of government and social policies that can and should be reversed. Severely demarcated communities of winners and losers exact a high price for society overall, with the rising cost of ameliorating the results of hypersegregation. Cashin acknowledges the difficulty of getting higher income Americans to recognize the enlightened self-interest in more integrated housing, but she offers several strategies for breaking down barriers in housing patterns. This work supports the objectives of an American ideal that has been long lost in our current world. Vernon Ford
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
See all Editorial Reviews
In another of a spate of Brown v. Board of Education 50th anniversary books this season, this compelling book, beyond a lament about Brown's unfulfilled promise, argues that integrated, multi-class communities are the only fair solution. Cashin, a law professor at Georgetown, reminds us that our enduring segregation is the product of private and public choices, such as exclusionary zoning, federal mortgage insurance and urban redevelopment (which created hyper-segregation in public housing). Cashin sees inevitable costs to middle-class black separatism: African-Americans in suburbia are usually steered to enclaves in the opposite direction of economic growth; when they hit critical mass, whites flee, poorer blacks move in, schools decline and commercial and retail investors steer clear. For whites, the search for suburban privilege also has its costs: higher prices for housing, suburban sprawl and the more intangible incapacity to relate to the "other." High-poverty schools lack both models for success and activist parents, and also breed an oppositional culture—all a prelude to the extraordinary rate of black men in the criminal justice system. Cashin argues that civil rights groups should focus more on attacking housing discrimination and segregation. She also advocates other policies: break up the ghettos (such as via programs that give suburban housing vouchers to those in public housing), offer incentives for ownership in high-poverty neighborhoods, require new developments to have low-income housing and expand school choice and cross-jurisdictional choice. Cashin argues powerfully that such integration is crucial to build democracy and diminish racial barriers: "[T]he rest of society should stop fearing us and ordering themselves in a way that is designed to avoid us where we exist in numbers."
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
From Booklist
The landmark Brown v. Board of Education has not led to integrated education for black children, because our nation's housing patterns are stubbornly segregated along class and race lines. Because this state of affairs is not written into law, it appears to be "normal." But Cashin, a law professor, challenges this assumption, asserting that racially segregated housing, and the resultant segregated schools, is an outgrowth of government and social policies that can and should be reversed. Severely demarcated communities of winners and losers exact a high price for society overall, with the rising cost of ameliorating the results of hypersegregation. Cashin acknowledges the difficulty of getting higher income Americans to recognize the enlightened self-interest in more integrated housing, but she offers several strategies for breaking down barriers in housing patterns. This work supports the objectives of an American ideal that has been long lost in our current world. Vernon Ford
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
See all Editorial Reviews
Product Details
Would you like to update product info or give feedback on images?
|
|
Inside This Book Citations: This book cites 70 books | 4 books that cite this book Explore: Citations | Books on Related Topics | |