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Hamilton Beach 67650 Big Mouth Juice Extractor, Grey
Hamilton Beach 67650 Big Mouth Juice Extractor, Grey
Price: $59.85
22 used & new from $35.00

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars Very happy with this juicer, July 5, 2008
Purchased this in January 2008 and it's worked great, producing some excellent juices, mostly carrot and apple. Does fine with softer vegies, too. The "post-nasal drip" is not an issue as we just use a 1-quart yogurt container for collecting the juice and then put another there to catch the drip. We put a plastic bag in the pulp catcher and that makes clean-up a whiz. The noise is somewhat annoying initially, but it's not on that long anyway. There is a lot of torque, though, and perhaps someday that will be lessened with a slower starting motor yet retaining its power. All in all, we're satisfied with this product. Thanks to all of you former reviewers for helping me make this purchase!

Logitech Pro 9000 PC Internet Camera Webcam with 2.0-Megapixel Video Resolution and Carl Zeiss Lens Optics
Logitech Pro 9000 PC Internet Camera Webcam with 2.0-Megapixel Video Resolution and Carl Zeiss Lens Optics
Offered by Eonline
Price: $129.99
26 used & new from $19.99

4.0 out of 5 stars First webcam, works great, July 5, 2008
Had some issues at first with Skype, the main reason for buying this. But after getting the latest DirectX installed, it worked fine. Not sure if it can be used as a security webcam but it does have some pretty nice software that enhances the image -- pretty wacky, some of them, to the amusement of the viewers! It's been working great for the past 3 months and I have no complaints.

Kingston DataTraveler I - 4 GB USB 2.0 Flash Drive DTI/4GB
Kingston DataTraveler I - 4 GB USB 2.0 Flash Drive DTI/4GB
Offered by BoBotechnic
Price: $24.88
4 used & new from $9.95

5.0 out of 5 stars Convenient and fast, July 5, 2008
That's why they call it flash! I've had no issues with this gadget at all. Works fine in all the computers I've used except those with old MS OS on them -- not this little one's fault at all, though. Sometimes it doesn't read when I insert it at first, probably due to other USB devices in use. I just take it out and re-insert it and it works fine. Thanks to all the other reviews, I was able to choose this one. And I don't regret it at all.

No Title Available

5.0 out of 5 stars My only piece of luggage now, July 5, 2008
This is one great little carry-on, my only piece of luggage now -- who wants to pay for check-in luggage and then have to wait at the carousel for it, too? So far it's been no trouble at all -- rolls great, easy access to all the compartments, zippers work fine. The extendable handle is quite sturdy and can take another bag on top, like a backpack, without any trouble. It has to be put in sideways in the overhead, however, on some planes, but that is not this little guy's fault. I like the handles on top, on the side, and even underneath for quick and stable handling. I heartily recommend this one!

American Inquisition: The Hunt for Japanese American Disloyalty in World War II
American Inquisition: The Hunt for Japanese American Disloyalty in World War II
by Eric L. Muller
Edition: Hardcover
Price: $28.07
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6 of 36 people found the following review helpful
1.0 out of 5 stars Inquisition or Preservation?, January 5, 2008
One is immediately forced to judge this book by its title. The author's choice of words betray his intentions -- to once again prove the United States government's failures (in this study, he calls it a "disaster"). The choice of "Inquisition" shows the author's bias, choosing to equate the government's actions with those of the Roman Catholic Church's Inquisition of examination and extermination. Other authors use similar tactics when they use such terms, e.g. "concentration camps," revealing an attitude of disgust and distrust of our Government.

Muller continues his theme in this recent work of his: Look how bad our Government was to the Nikkei. He closes his book with the warning: We'd better watch out because the Government might do it again, i.e. the "unfettered deployment of military power against American civilians on American territory."

Basically, Muller tries to point out that the US military and US Govt. were out to get the Nikkei, that the WDC and Provost Marshal's Office were guilty of thinking the Nikkei were guilty of disloyalty simply by association, that they had the idea that no Japanese could ever be loyal to the US, so they had to lock them up. I quote:

"...a very different view led to the mass exclusion of the Nisei from the West Coast. That view saw the Nisei as an unassimilable group of native-born foreigners, individuals whose 'racial traits' and family bonds prevented them from forming true loyalty to the United States... They were the /only/ group of American citizens who were presumed to be disloyal."

With these results:

"The consequences of the army's presumption of disloyalty were severe. The presumption led all of the Nisei in General DeWitt's exclusion zone -- more than 70,000 American citizens, of whom nearly 40,000 were over the age of eighteen -- into so-called assembly centers. Without charges, without proof, without hearings, and with only a few days' to a few weeks' notice, they were herded into makeshift barracks at racetracks and fairgrounds in and near the major West coast cities."

Notice again Muller's use of "all" -- this comes out a lot in similar works and articles, even to the extent that insinuates all the Nikkei were American citizens!

He brings out the fact that out of 38,449 Nisei who were interviewed, 12,404 were found to be of questionable loyalty. What Muller fails to mention is that nearly 90% of the Nikkei answered "Yes" to Question 28 of the Questionnaire of 1943. They were proof of trust and were not counted disloyal.

The other District Commands did not put the 15,000 Nikkei who were living outside of the West Coast military zones into camps. That was proof of trust, even though among them were enemy aliens.

There were 4,000 Nikkei who voluntarily evacuated and relocated outside of the military zones. They were trusted.

There were 1,000 Nikkei being released from the centers each week. That was proof of trust.

The real issue is this: Why did thousands want to remain in the relocation centers when they could have left. Muller does not address this. Nor does he discuss the groups of Issei and Kibei who were intimidating and threatening the majority of the evacuees with yakuza-like tactics -- that citizens should not volunteer or do anything to help the United States, that Japan was their real country, and that no Japanese should swear allegiance to the United States as required on the registration forms. This egregious display of disloyalty was ignored by Muller.

More than a matter of loyalty or trust, however, it was preservation, and the US Government did a marvelous job of it in not only protecting the Nikkei but sustaining them in a very generous way, even those who were very much anti-America and pro-Japan. No other ethnic group in the history of the US had had such treatment. In reality, the US Government did succeed in weeding out the disloyal, to the joy and relief of thousands of Nikkei.

Muller would do well to investigate those 20,000 Nikkei who never were in relocation centers, or the 6,000 Nisei who were in Japan, during WWII. They certainly had no questionnaire given them to fill out, yet they were obviously trusted, the latter amazingly by the Imperial Japanese Government as being "loyal" to their ancestral motherland. Their Caucasian fellow Americans did not receive such a welcome, but were thrown into real internment camps.

With his special affinity for dissenters and resisters, Muller has found a few sole court cases which took on the US Government for its unjust and tyrannical actions. To the author, these dissenters are also real heroes of democracy and loyalty. He portrays one Kiyoshi Okamoto as an "excellent example" of the War Relocation Authority's abuse. Okamoto was the chief organizer of the draft resistance movement at Heart Mountain Relocation Center, for which he had "stunning success." He and others were convicted for conspiracy to evade the draft and counsel others to do the same.

It is difficult to discover in books of this nature what the real message is. I perceive it to be this: That the Nikkei in the US before and during WWII had nothing in them that deserved to be distrusted, that they were all loyal, that they were all discriminated against and treated unfairly. In other words, it matters not there was a war between the two countries -- all the Issei were to be naturalized and left alone, with their Nisei families; "alien enemy" must never be used to describe the Issei during WWII.

In his "Conclusion," Muller's theories unravel -- the US Government may not necessarily have been unfair. He uses numerous words such as "probably," "perhaps," and "maybe," revealing his own inconclusiveness over all the research he has done. "Perhaps" there is hope, then, that this was not a "sorry chapter in the history of the government's treatment of its citizens" after all.

Anyone interested in this period of history then has hope Muller will expend his research skills in something more definitive, rather than "prejudice, misjudgment, and mistake." We welcome a true and balanced story from the keyboard of Muller -- a book on the Japanese Americans who never knew evacuation and relocation under the US government, or, something more closely related, a book on the people of German ancestry in the US during WWII who were "rounded up" and interned.
Comment Comments (18) | Permalink | Most recent comment: May 10, 2012 5:04 PM PDT

American Pastime
American Pastime
DVD ~ Gary Cole
Price: $6.49
46 used & new from $2.18

6 of 54 people found the following review helpful
1.0 out of 5 stars Heavy use of fiction, August 1, 2007
This review is from: American Pastime (DVD)
I was initially dumbfounded by scenes of the actual camp layout -- high security fencing topped with angled brackets of barbed wire surrounding the entire camp; a gate not unlike those that were at POW concentration camps; the utter barrenness of the desert location, void of any farmland; the ubiquitous presence of soldiers in their towers with machine guns and search lights harassing the residents.

These Topaz scenes are without historical foundation -- they are Hollywood exaggerations aimed at creating the worst possible of conditions at the relocation centers to effect in viewers awe, shock, and a sense of pity and shame for such "horrible" treatment. The Director should have gone all the way and thrown in some large shower rooms with doors that could be bolted shut from the outside, rows of furnaces, a mass burial pit, or a scene of some "prisoners," as the movie fondly labels the residents, being lined up against the fence and shot. If they wished to make these centers truly concentration camps, they should have been more consistent at least. A simple check online of photos of the Topaz Center and surrounding farm fields, however, will be enough to convince one of the movie's extreme fiction element.

Historically misinformed episodes throughout the movie detract immensely from the story it wishes to tell. Undeniably it is a moving story. However, it is all occurring at the wrong place. A better location would have been a mid-western city where Japanese Americans (permanent or resettled) tried to carry on normal lives and were discriminated against by the locals, and yet, in the midst of the turmoil, there was love and romance and the mutual love of baseball, which is what the movie really is all about. What a much more enjoyable movie it would have been had it stayed away from the relocation center issues, about which those connected with the movie sadly seemed to have exhibited their lack of historically accurate information. And need I even mention the Chinese actors and actresses?

In promotions of this film are found some very erroneous statements:

1. "120,000 Japanese Americans, though citizens of this country..."

This is a most-obvious error -- 120,000 is not the correct number, they were not all Japanese Americans, and they were definitely not all citizens of the United States.

2. "...uprooted from their homes... forcibly relocated..."

Most, if not all, left willingly, taking care of matters prior to leaving their homes. They were not torn from their homes, as "uprooted" insinuates, nor forced from their homes. It is not fair to those who did NOT pull up roots, but evacuated temporarily, and later returned to their homes, farms, and businesses. It is also unfair to the tens of thousands of Nikkei who were never evacuated because they weren't in the four states affected. "Evacuated" is the proper term that should be used.

3. " residents are imprisoned behind wire fences and overseen by armed guards."

In real center life they were NOT imprisoned. Prisons were different; they were not the relocation centers. Some of the residents THOUGHT they were in prison; each resident has a different view, a different story to tell. There is clearly an ulterior motive behind promoting the idea of imprisonment and incarceration at the relocation centers.

They were not overseen by any such guards in real life at the centers. They were overseen by their fellow Nikkei administrators. They were also protected and served by fellow Nikkei police officers in each center. They were also protected and served by Nikkei fire department volunteers. The few military guards at the centers were not there to oversee, but rather to control access and, at times, control riotous troublemakers.

The words at the end of the movie are most suspicious: "During the entire war, there was not a single incident of espionage or sabotage reported in America involving any person of Japanese descent."

Why was that even mentioned? Such a statement clearly reveals ulterior motives, that all persons of Japanese ancestry in the United States during WWII were innocent victims. However, not all persons of Japanese ancestry in the United States during WWII were entirely trustworthy and loyal to the United States, e.g. the Tule Lake segregants, and the renunciants who preferred Imperial Japan to the United States.

The story, as I said, is heart-warming, and the goal of the movie is to show that we are all the same -- we have the same love of sports, love of honor, and a desire for human worth. Yet were this film's historical setting based upon factual history, the main plot would probably not at all be what a movie producer would want. The scenes of a mean GI mistreating an innocent Japanese American would be gone. In real center life, games were held all the time between the center teams and local teams, romances were common, and guards were friendly.

There were also many Nikkei who lived outside the centers, who were never involved in any evacuation, simply because they did not live on the West Coast. They lived in peace with their neighbors, contrary to what "American Pastime" wishes to portray. Such a movie on these thousands of other Nikkei would be most welcome as it would reveal many interesting social patterns during WWII that are kept secret by those who lived such lives.
Comment Comments (14) | Permalink | Most recent comment: Dec 13, 2012 9:06 PM PST

Just Americans: How Japanese Americans Won a War at Home and Abroad
Just Americans: How Japanese Americans Won a War at Home and Abroad
by Robert Asahina
Edition: Hardcover
15 used & new from $9.24

3 of 19 people found the following review helpful
3.0 out of 5 stars Very good study for the most part, July 21, 2007
Robert Asahina does a very good job at telling the story of the 100th Battalion and 442nd Regimental Combat Team, made up of predominantly Japanese Americans. A relative of Asahina's, interestingly, was in an entirely different Army unit and is nowhere to be mentioned in the book, other than on the dedication page: "To Shoichi Asahina, M.D., Captain, U.S. Army, 1943-45, 87th Cavalry Reconnaissance Squadron, 7th Armored Division..." The "Sources" section contains some very good archival sources, especially where related U.S. Government files may be found.

The only demerit in the book is where Asahina sporadically makes comments on the evacuation and relocation issue, usually in agreement with modern re-interpretations of that period. Asahina, in fact, insists on placing key words in quotes, calling them euphemisms, which is typical with such authors who prefer activist terms such as "forced removal" and "concentration camps."

The major section containing the author's philosophical comments on these controversial issues can be found in the Appendix, which, frankly, could well have been omitted as it really has no bearing on the main subject matter. It is more of a ranting rebuttal of recent books by authors like Michelle Malkin and David Lowman. These authors, and two others, Lillian Baker and Keith Robar, Asahina relegates to a whole separate section in his bibliography -- the very last, in fact, titled "Revisionist Histories." Underneath the heading is this explanation: "The allegations and 'revelations' in these works must be regarded with considerable skepticism."

This is quite a statement coming from a man who apparently gives unqualified credence to the historical revisionism and re-interpretations of a good number of books he also includes in his bibliography, e.g. those by Daniels and Muller (see also my reviews on their books).

All things considered in the Appendix, Asahina adds nothing new to understanding the evacuation and relocation of the Nikkei during WWII. One excerpt, however, will suffice to show the author's bent on this issue:

"...the 'evacuation' made so little military sense that it can only be understood as the beginning stage of a sweeping social policy of 'relocating' a politically vulnerable minority group from a part of the country where much more powerful forces, reaching all the way to the White House, regarded its members as unwelcome."

One can easily see what this Army historian is saying here -- the U.S. military made a mistake, it was not military necessity, it was "social policy" (read racism). We have heard that charge before -- "race prejudice, war hysteria and a failure of political leadership" -- and Asahina parrots the same.

Asahina, along with others of his kind, utterly fail to mention the fact that the Issei were enemy aliens and the American public demanded something be done with them. We were at war with Japan; the Japanese Imperial forces were gaining great victories and ruled the Pacific arena. A very real issue also ignored is the fear of reprisals on the West Coast against the Nikkei, with a potential of civil unrest erupting into mass persecution of horrendous proportions. The real reason for the evacuation was clearly the protection of the Nikkei, who agreed themselves that this was the best policy, being quite relieved to live out the war in relocation centers. Call it what you may, but militarily it was a necessary decision during that war that Japan suddenly forced upon us.

Researchers looking for honesty in historical interpretations will not be satisfied with Asahina's views in the Appendix on the evacuation and relocation of the Nikkei during WWII. "Just Americans" need Asahina to be just honest... and drop the descriptor "Japanese" and really be "just an American."

Aside from those issues, this is a book that deserves a read in understanding more about those amazing men of the 100th and 442nd, one of whom is a dear neighbor friend of mine and who thought Asahina did a good job.
Comment Comments (5) | Permalink | Most recent comment: Aug 3, 2010 8:17 PM PDT

Justice at War: The Story of the Japanese-American Internment Cases
Justice at War: The Story of the Japanese-American Internment Cases
by Peter H. Irons
Edition: Paperback
Price: $33.26
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2 of 7 people found the following review helpful
2.0 out of 5 stars Lawyers at war, July 2, 2007
Justice At War could be renamed "The Battle of the Lawyers" in three well-known cases dealing with curfew and evacuation resisters. Much contention can be seen among the multitude of lawyers on both sides of the arguments. The Endo case dealt with a different matter, and the case was dismissed, due to the exclusion order being rescinded.

In the end, little can be said about the results other than that the convictions against the three men -- Yasui, Hirabayashi, and Korematsu -- were later "vacated," which is to say, their sentence was set aside; the decision, however, still stands constitutionally. The victory remains with the US Government, not the dissenter.

The reason for the conviction being vacated was that supposed evidence was initially withheld, namely the original of DeWitt's Report, which claimed that separating the loyal from the disloyal Japanese Americans was impossible and that there was insufficient time to even do so. These claims were considered racist, and so a substitute version was sent out that said "no ready means existed for determining the loyal from the disloyal with any degree of safety" -- "impossible" becoming "no ready means existed." The alleged hiding of the original "racist" Report, therefore, was construed as falsifying evidence.

Additionally, Irons thinks that the Ringle Report held the authoritative view of Navy Intelligence at the time, which he believes DeWitt ignored and ordered the evacuation even though the ONI opposed it.

The charges then? The Ringle Report with all its "truth" was suppressed, and the original DeWitt Report concealed. Much, much weight was placed, then, upon these two Reports.

However, unfortunate for Irons, the Ringle Report was not the official view of the Office of Naval Intelligence. In fact, the ONI, Army G-2 and FBI all had intelligence that were pivotal in the military decisions then. Even Ringle made remarks regarding the Nisei and Kibei and dangers associated with them. For some reason, Irons chose not to submit this valuable intelligence information, and very extensive intelligence data at that. So who is suppressing and concealing what now?

Furthermore, the DeWitt Report was not the deciding factor behind the evacuation order -- it was a Presidential decision. The Report simply stated the reason for the evacuation based on military necessity. To say a Harper Magazine article by Ringle represented all our best intelligence at the time and was purposely ignored by DeWitt when he drew up his Report, is a very embarrassing stretch, especially for chameleon Edward Ennis, who once was on the side of the Department of Justice.

In the end, the Supreme Court comes out on top -- the decisions made in 1943 and 1944 were held as constitutionally legal. No civil rights were violated. Korematsu was in love and disobeyed the evacuation order so he could be with his girlfriend. Hirabayashi simply refused to obey the curfew order and didn't want to report to an assembly center. Yasui, who should have known better during wartime, similarly disobeyed a military curfew order multiple times; oddly, he demanded to be arrested. Yasui, incidentally, had not only dual citizenship, but dual employers -- the US Army Reserve, and the Government of Japan as a paid agent.

Justice was never at war, only the lawyers.
Comment Comments (3) | Permalink | Most recent comment: Aug 11, 2011 11:14 AM PDT

Personal Justice Denied: Report of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians
Personal Justice Denied: Report of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians
by Tetsuden Kashima
Edition: Paperback
Price: $30.00
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1 of 16 people found the following review helpful
1.0 out of 5 stars Re-assessment of an influential reference book, June 25, 2007
This book has become the great oracle upon which most subsequent works and educational curricula on the subject have been based. In this short review, I will deal with only the Summary (pp. 1-23) as the remainder of the Report (which includes the Recommendations) is simply an amplification of the major theories, assumptions and speculations advanced in the summarized portion.

The original Report was published in December 1982; a reprint was published in 1997 with a prologue by The Civil Liberties Public Education Fund, and a forward by Tetsuden Kashima, who praises the Report as infallible. It is regrettable, however, that this new edition does not include any documentary evidence, of which there is an abundance, showing the other side of the story. It is no wonder, however -- unbiased revelation of facts would have been too hard a pill to swallow.

The title of the Report is presumptuous, in that it implies the justice of all the Nikkei was denied. There is no mention, however, of the injustices committed by any of those arrested, or who engaged in subversive activities while at the centers, or the renunciants, or even the injustices committed by the Issei, the Nisei and the Kibei against each other. The Report one-sidedly places all the blame upon the U.S. Government and the general American public. The Nikkei, including enemy alien Japanese, are portrayed consistently as the innocent victims, "against whom no charges were, or could have been, brought" (page 10), a statement as wild as it is nonsensical. Thousands of Nikkei were never affected by the evacuation -- what personal justice of theirs was denied?

If there is anything "denied" in this Report, it is a full and unprejudiced view of the facts made available to the American public.

Here, then, are my comments on a few excerpts from the Summary:

Page 1: "the Commission held 20 days of hearings... hearing testimony from more than 750 witnesses"

This would mean there were 40 witnesses per day, at approximately 15 minutes per testimony. It is hard to see how this was accomplished, especially with time for questioning. The actual number of witnesses giving testimony, as listed in the Report's Notes, is only around 340. Most of the Report's conclusions are apparently, therefore, taken from these few testimonies, as well as already existing books, testimonials, diaries, letters, memos, and transcribed telephone conversations dealing with the subject. Objectivity is an apparent victim in this Report.

Page 2: "Japanese immigrants who,... despite long residence in the United States, were not permitted to become American citizens"

This is a commonly-heard assumption that all Issei in the U.S. would have become U.S. citizens had they been allowed. Yet history shows otherwise, where not all resident aliens wanted U.S. citizenship. Many Issei were planning on returning to Japan once they were able to make enough money, and tens of thousands did return prior to WWII. This intention of eventual return to Japan is not taken into consideration in the Report. Instead, the U.S. Govt. is blamed for its callous and unmerciful immigration laws. It is presumptuous of the Commission to imply all Japanese aliens wanted to become Americans.

Also ignored are the 20,000 or so Nikkei who were living outside of the military zones, hence never under obligation to evacuate. Their testimonies are lacking from this Report. Similarly lacking are the testimonies of tens of thousands who did not "lose everything they had," but returned to their farms and businesses after leaving the relocation centers.

Page 2-3: "This policy of exclusion, removal and detention was executed against 120,000 people without individual review... without regard for their demonstrated loyalty"

This statement in itself is reason enough to doubt the integrity of this Report. The number 120,000 is taken from official War Relocation Authority statistics, and is the total of all who were ever in a relocation center, including those who were born there. Why the Commission uses this number is without explanation -- some 10,000 souls who were never there at the start were somehow excluded, removed and detained. The historians and advisers to the Commission must have been out to lunch when this figure was decided upon. There was obviously an ulterior motive.

How can one execute "exclusion, removal and detention" against the unborn? Furthermore, how can babies and toddlers demonstrate loyalty? How could any of the 50,000 or so children at the centers been able to demonstrate their loyalty to the U.S.?

Finally, I shall use the following paragraph as a summary of the Summary:

"The promulgation of Executive Order 9066 was not justified by military necessity, and the decisions which followed from it -- detention, ending detention and ending exclusion -- were not driven by analysis of military conditions. The broad historical causes that shaped these decisions were race prejudice, war hysteria and a failure of political leadership. Widespread ignorance of Japanese Americans contributed to a policy conceived in haste and executed in an atmosphere of fear and anger at Japan. A grave injustice was done to American citizens and resident aliens of Japanese ancestry who, without individual review or any probative evidence against them, were excluded, removed and detained by the United States during World War II."

This is the main theme of the entire Report -- there was no necessity. There was no "documented act of espionage, sabotage or fifth column activity" by any Nikkei. This, however, flies in the face of the facts -- an abundance of intelligence documentation proving there were both Issei and Nisei involved in espionage on the West Coast. The Commission was ignorant, willfully ignorant, of this overwhelming evidence. They are the ones, sadly, who do not permit the conclusion, for a truthful conclusion would abruptly end their premeditated demands of apology and redress.

There indeed was "analysis of military conditions." To say otherwise shows a lack of honest research and a great disrespect toward our military leaders, leaders who knew far more than those on the Commission. The ineptitude lies at the feet of those advisers and researchers who purposely left out hard evidence that would have shown the Commission the sandy foundation upon which they were building.

The mantra, "race prejudice, war hysteria and a failure of political leadership," in reality comes back to sting the Commission.

There was no racism -- thousands of Japanese Americans in the U.S. did not complain of racism before or during WWII, including those who evacuated or were relocated to other parts of the U.S. They lived without prejudice. The Commission seems to have trouble understanding the difference between race and nationality. No wonder, of course, since the Commission thought "resident alien Japanese" were somehow different from the Japanese against whom the U.S. was fighting at the time. For a real study of racism, the Commission should have checked into Imperial Japan of the past, and the Japan of 1982.

"War hysteria" is a most-odd term chosen by the Commission. That the American people were hysterical about the war and took it out on the Nikkei is taking social behavior too far, and blaming all Americans for the behavior of a few. The truth was that there were thousands of Americans helping their fellow Americans evacuate, and then also to relocate and resettle. Was it "war hysteria" that caused teachers and pastors and neighbors to go out of their way to help the Nikkei, including those who had become their enemies after Pearl Harbor?

The hysteria surely must have been on the part of the Commission, and the activist audience at the hearings. This, by the way, is not at all far from the truth -- only a short reading of the record of hearings will be convincing.

Finally, the "failure of political leadership" means, to the Commission and its crowd of supporters, that, first of all, our President failed, then next our Vice-President, then the President's Cabinet, then all the members of Congress, then the State Governors, and then, most of all, our military leaders. In other words, the United States was in a state of utter chaos, existing under an oppressive lack of leadership. In its place was the rule of hysterical prejudice aimed at the people of Japanese ancestry on the West Coast.

Ah, but such was not the case at all, most fortunately, and for which all Nikkei now should ever be grateful. When the empire of Japan suddenly and deliberately attacked the United States of America, an amazing piece of American political and social machinery was put into motion. Quick was our resolve, and intense our deliberations, to use all measures possible for the safety of our beloved country, for every citizen of the United States, knowing full well the implications of what the Japanese forces had just accomplished in relative short time throughout the whole Pacific region.

No, there was no failure, especially on part of our political leaders, especially concerning the treatment of 71,531 Americans of Japanese descent and 38,709 enemy alien Japanese. On the contrary, our leaders, whom we elected, even our President for the 4th time, and those whom he chose to assist him in leading our country, by that very God-given right of authority, planned and executed, most successfully, one of the greatest mass movements of people in the history of the United States, beginning from an evacuation and culminating in a resettlement, a program unequaled in its care and preservation of a sole ethnic group, comprised of both citizens and aliens.

The only failure I am able to ascertain is of this Report's main objective -- to prove that the constitutional rights of American citizens were violated. Nikkei stereotyping, pro-redress activism, and the lack of political discernment were the reasons the Recommendations were approved. Serious researchers look forward to the day a new Commission will correct the injustices of this Report.
Comment Comments (2) | Permalink | Most recent comment: Aug 2, 2010 6:33 PM PDT

Prisoners Without Trial: Japanese Americans in World War II (Critical Issue Series)
Prisoners Without Trial: Japanese Americans in World War II (Critical Issue Series)
by Roger Daniels
Edition: Paperback
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11 of 51 people found the following review helpful
1.0 out of 5 stars An updated assesssment of PWT, June 19, 2007
For the serious reader, very little time can be spent dealing with Daniels' literary diatribe. The title alone is explicit enough reason to doubt the seriousness with which the author attempts (again) to elucidate on the subject. Yet within these few pages, Daniels makes a valiant stand to proclaim injustices, to vindicate the victims, to show the world the innocence of a people. This is most surprising, considering Daniels' love of history.

I will focus on only one excerpt, on page 46, which exemplifies succinctly where the author stands:

"On February 19, 1942, a 'day of infamy' as far as the Constitution is concerned, Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, which was the instrument by which just over 120,000 persons, two-thirds of them American citizens, were confined in concentration camps on American soil, in some cases for nearly four years... who were guilty of nothing other than being ethnically Japanese... surrounded by barbed wire and by troops whose guns were pointed at the inmates."

The Constitution is what Daniels seeks to uphold, but in doing so, he fails to see how that great document actually protected the people whom he feels were so discriminated against. The Constitution never was in danger of being trampled under the feet of those entrusted with its care. Indeed, the Constitution came out unscathed. Not a single case was brought by a person of Japanese ancestry (Nikkei) against the US Government that overturned its decrees. Convictions may have been set aside, but constitutionality was not. Liberty did not become a victim.

Daniels next turns to topple the authority of President Roosevelt, who was not only the longest serving, but one of the greatest Presidents the United States has ever had. It is at Roosevelt's feet he lays the charge that the President was to blame for the "incarceration" of so many innocent people -- unbelievably, shockingly, equating the President's action with the sudden and deliberate attack on Pearl Harbor by Japanese Imperial forces.

Herein Daniels once again must acquiesce defeat. Not a single Japanese national nor American-born child of a Japanese national asked that Roosevelt be impeached for signing Executive Order 9066, for any sort of dereliction in his executive duties. It was just the opposite, for great was their sorrow when he died.

Next, Daniels fails in assessing the correct numbers. 120,000 Nikkei did not spend four years in relocation centers -- tens of thousands were gone within a year. Furthermore, close to 20,000 resident Nikkei were never in centers as they lived elsewhere in the country and were not affected by the evacuation order.

Daniels, then, fails in assessing the freedoms the Nikkei had at the centers by saying they were confined. They were never confined, but had the opportunity to leave the centers -- tens of thousands did, some spending only a few months there in their temporary quarters. Daniels dishonors those who were always free as Americans of Japanese descent.

Daniels favorite theme -- concentration camps (e.g. his book, "Concentration Camps USA") -- is his saddest tirade, relishing in showing how unjust, how barbaric American society was to the Nikkei by forcing them to live behind barbed wire, and threatening them daily with guns aimed at them.

Such haranguing has certainly had its effect on common sense, and historical correctness. There is no proof at all the assembly and relocation centers were incarceration centers of torture, starvation and psychological intimidation, and places of oppression from which not a single prisoner could escape. The authors insistence on using such terminology, no doubt, reveals just how bitter he himself is at America's history. He cannot admit that these centers were really places of refuge for its inhabitants.

Once again the author fails, most miserably, to prove his theory that these people were prisoners, incarcerated in concentration camps. Nothing was able to convince the Japanese Imperialists in Tokyo via the Spanish consular visits to the centers that they were camps of injustice. The centers were just the opposite, with plenty of nourishing food, suitable housing, medical care, education, and many other benefits. The records, and over 100,000 residents, attest to this fact. No resident ever attempted to escape; many happily and freely chose to remain at the centers, even going so far as to demand they not close.

The final point I touch upon is Daniels' use of the hackneyed phrase, "guilty of nothing other than being ethnically Japanese." A dangerous precedent is set here -- that non-US-citizen Japanese were on an equal basis with US-citizen Japanese. The author should know better. Immigration law will not bear his socialist idea of equality. The state of war with Japan did not bear this at all.

To give the Issei (non-US-citizen Japanese) equal status as an American citizen is to confound the very principles of citizenship. Were Daniels to promote his views with political backing, our country's polity would dissolve quickly. So then why does the author want to place the Issei and Nisei on the same level, entirely avoiding the truth that the Issei were enemy aliens, that we were at war with their homeland? There are ulterior motives lurking that only he can explain.

In conclusion, this short book is just another addition to Daniels' works on Japanese Americans which show his disgust with America's past, specifically what he perceives as its latent racism and abuse of civil rights. He purposely avoids any reference to intelligence documents which completely undermine his tenets, and instead relies on highly subjective sources and biased and flawed studies (e.g. "Personal Justice Denied" -- naturally, of course, as Daniels was historical consultant to this report).

In short, the material that Daniels presents adds nothing new. It is a rehash of the old re-interpretations and revisions of the wartime history about the Nikkei in the US during WWII -- those who suddenly became enemies of our United States and her leaders. It is also a vain attempt, in the name of civil rights, to exonerate the Nikkei and vilify US leadership.

Hopefully Daniels will come to his historically-correct senses and produce an untainted account of the people of Japanese ancestry on the West Coast during WWII.
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