In the Line of Fire: A Memoir and over 360,000 other books are available for Amazon Kindle – Amazon’s new wireless reading device. Learn more

53 used & new from $0.27

Have one to sell? Sell yours here
 
 
In the Line of Fire: A Memoir
 
 
Start reading In the Line of Fire: A Memoir on your Kindle in under a minute.

Don’t have a Kindle? Get your Kindle here.
 
  

In the Line of Fire: A Memoir (Hardcover)

~ (Author)
Key Phrases: second suicide bomber, dreadful decade, martial law administrator, Nawaz Sharif, United States, National Assembly (more...)
3.7 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (135 customer reviews)


Available from these sellers.


9 new from $12.00 42 used from $0.27 2 collectible from $21.50

Formats

Amazon Price New from Used from
  Kindle Edition, September 25, 2006 $14.37 -- --
  Hardcover, September 24, 2006 -- $12.00 $0.27
  Paperback, November 17, 2008 $20.47 $12.98 $12.98

Customers Who Bought This Item Also Bought

Reconciliation: Islam, Democracy, and the West

Reconciliation: Islam, Democracy, and the West

by Benazir Bhutto
3.8 out of 5 stars (29)  $11.51
Pakistan: Between Mosque And Military

Pakistan: Between Mosque And Military

by Husain Haqqani
4.2 out of 5 stars (24)  $17.50
The Idea of Pakistan

The Idea of Pakistan

by Stephen Philip Cohen
4.4 out of 5 stars (12)  $16.47
Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia

Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia

by Ahmed Rashid
4.6 out of 5 stars (153)  $11.56
Daughter of Destiny: An Autobiography

Daughter of Destiny: An Autobiography

by Benazir Bhutto
4.0 out of 5 stars (8)  $12.44
Explore similar items

Editorial Reviews

From The Washington Post

Gen. Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's military president, is a contradictory figure: a dictator convinced that he's the best hope for democracy, a moderate Muslim reluctant to confront fundamentalists, a powerful man who exudes confident aplomb but suffers from lifelong insecurity as a migrant in his own land.

In the Line of Fire, Musharraf's English-language memoir, is an equally contradictory effort to explain himself to a Western world that largely views Pakistan as a fount of Islamist terrorism, a potential nuclear threat and an impoverished, military-ruled desert in the sullen shadow of shining, democratic India. In pursuit of international absolution, Musharraf -- who seized power in 1999 -- devotes many pages to his vision of a modern Pakistan, his values as a soldier, his disillusionment with corrupt civilian leaders, his efforts to seek peace with India and his contributions to the war on terrorism.

Last month, he launched an extraordinary pre-publication charm offensive in New York and Washington. The bespectacled general bantered easily with Jon Stewart on "The Daily Show" and earned an impromptu sales boost from President Bush after a joint White House press conference. ("Buy the book," a smiling Bush told reporters.) But before it hit the stores, In the Line of Fire had been dissected by a wide array of critics. In the United States, Musharraf kicked up a storm by accusing a former deputy secretary of state, Richard L. Armitage, of threatening to bomb Pakistan "back to the Stone Age" in the wake of 9/11 if it chose al-Qaeda and its Taliban hosts over the United States. (Armitage has acknowledged the stark tenor of his message but flatly denied making such a military threat.) In India, outraged critics focused on Musharraf's description of a summit with India, where he charges that its then-prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, backed out of an agreement over the disputed territory of Kashmir because mysterious higher powers had overruled and "humiliated" Vajpayee.

But the worst vitriol came from Pakistan itself, where some critics trashed the book as a self-serving rewrite of history that betrays the nation's interest. For example, Musharraf goes to great lengths to prove that Pakistan's 1999 invasion of the mountainous Kargil district of Kashmir, a political and military disaster, was a triumph that will someday be "written in golden letters." Others expressed outrage at Musharraf's excoriation of A.Q. Khan, the Pakistani scientist who is believed to have sold nuclear know-how to pariah regimes such as Iran, North Korea and Libya but who remains a hero to many Pakistanis. Musharraf, under heat from Washington over Khan's activities, portrays him here as a greedy rogue who somehow managed to hide all his evil deeds from the government.

Many of the negative notices ring true. Alternately coy and candid, Musharraf glosses airily over unanswered questions, denies widespread reports that leaders of Afghanistan's Taliban movement are operating inside Pakistan and portrays himself as staunchly opposed to Islamic fundamentalism, even though he has backed off on many reforms in deference to radical clerics. Even when expressing noble sentiments, Musharraf can undercut his message with clumsy insults and undiplomatic observations that might have been better left unsaid. (After all, how do you edit a dictator?)

But despite its limits as a window into history, In the Line of Fire offers valuable insights -- sometimes intentionally, sometimes not -- about an important U.S. partner in the war on terrorism whose powerful, secretive military-intelligence apparatus was once the Taliban's chief patron.

At some points, the story is gripping simply because the author was at the center of it. Much has been written about the coup that brought Gen. Musharraf to power after then-president Nawaz Sharif tried to fire him while he was on a commercial plane heading home from a foreign trip. Now, we are finally in the cockpit of the fuming general's plane as his pilot is ordered not to land -- even though the craft has only moments of fuel left.

The most compelling episodes are the operations launched to hunt down al-Qaeda operatives and suicide bombers, especially after two attempts on Musharraf's life in 2003. The dutiful reader is snapped to attention by dramatic chases that read like a thriller, full of fascinating details that only an insider would know -- and perhaps outsiders should not. For instance, Musharraf reveals that, during various operations, Pakistani agents have found a piece of shirt collar from a suicide bomber and traced it to his hometown tailor, used an elaborate system to track cell phone use among suspects, and covered themselves in burqas to shadow and snatch a major al-Qaeda figure.

In Musharraf's zeal to prove his counterterrorist bona fides, he exaggerates the importance of some captives and gloats over successful missions, clearly enjoying the experience of calling Bush in May 2005 to say Pakistan has captured an al-Qaeda leader, Abu Faraj al-Libbi. (Musharraf then undiplomatically calls Libbi "the one al Qaeda operative whose name Bush knew, apart from Osama bin Laden and Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri.")

The book also airs some military dirty laundry that may infuriate Musharraf's own institutions. The general acknowledges hurt and bewilderment at being passed over for promotions early in his career, much as he confesses to schoolboy pranks and slights of a half-century ago after his family fled India during the chaotic partition that created Pakistan in 1947.

In his writing, as in many of his public comments, Musharraf can prove both his own best salesman and his own worst enemy. Still, this memoir tells us a great deal about a military Muslim leader we need to understand -- and about a country to which we should have been paying much more attention.

Reviewed by Pamela Constable
Copyright 2006, The Washington Post. All Rights Reserved.



Product Description

If it is almost unprecedented for a head of state to publish a memoir while still in office, Pervez Musharraf is no ordinary head of state. As the president of Pakistan since 1999, he occupies the most dangerous job in the world, and he continues to play a crucial role in the global war on terror. A former commando who was born just four years before the creation of Pakistan, Musharraf grew up with his country. He rose through army ranks, serving a bewildering succession of military and democratic regimes, and reached the apex of the world's most populous Islamic state at a time of growing Muslim militancy. A onetime supporter of the Taliban, a general who fought in several wars, President Musharraf took a decisive turn against militant Islam in 2001. Since then he has survived two assassination attempts; rooted out militants in his own government; helped direct countless raids against Al Qaeda both in his cities and in the mountains; and tracked Osama Bin Laden with technical and human intelligence.

When you hold the world's most dangerous job, you have little left to lose - - and as a result, In the Line of Fire is astonishingly revealing and honest about dozens of topics of intense interest to the world. Among its many revelations: exactly how Pakistani authorities tracked down and smashed three major Al Qaeda command-and-control centers in the mountains; how Al Qaeda's many-layered structure was revealed after the assassination attempts; how Osama Bin Laden's communication network was breached, and how his subsequent courier network was compromised; why Bin Laden is no longer in charge of Al Qaeda, and yet why his capture is so sensitive; why the costs of the Iraq War have been so great for the west, and for moderate Muslims; what the interrogations of A.Q. Khan have revealed; what it has been like to deal with the Bush Administration; how Pakistan and India have avoided nuclear confrontation; and much more.

The terrible earthquake of 2005, killing nearly 40,000 Pakistanis, is just one chapter in a life and career that has been filled with danger and drama. The worldwide launch of President Musharraf 's memoir, which begins with its American publication, promises to be a sensation.


Product Details

  • Hardcover: 368 pages
  • Publisher: Free Press; illustrated edition edition (September 25, 2006)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0743283449
  • ISBN-13: 978-0743283441
  • Product Dimensions: 9.1 x 6.1 x 1.4 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 1.2 pounds
  • Average Customer Review: 3.7 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (135 customer reviews)
  • Amazon.com Sales Rank: #203,678 in Books (See Bestsellers in Books)

    Popular in this category: (What's this?)

    #32 in  Books > History > Asia > Pakistan

More About the Author

Pervez Musharraf
Discover books, learn about writers, read author blogs, and more.

Visit Amazon's Pervez Musharraf Page

Inside This Book (learn more)


Tags Customers Associate with This Product

 (What's this?)
Click on a tag to find related items, discussions, and people.
 

Your tags: Add your first tag
 

 

Customer Reviews

135 Reviews
5 star:
 (64)
4 star:
 (22)
3 star:
 (19)
2 star:
 (6)
1 star:
 (24)
 
 
 
 
 
Average Customer Review
3.7 out of 5 stars (135 customer reviews)
 
 
 
 
Share your thoughts with other customers:
Most Helpful Customer Reviews

 
9 of 9 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars Interesting insights into the mind of a besieged dictator, January 15, 2007
By Ases Hadri (North-eastern USA) - See all my reviews
Upfront disclosure - I'm a 33 year old Indian male living in the US, and I'm generally going to focus on the strengths of the book. And the 4 stars is for content and ability to hold interest, mine atleast.

Of all the dictators on the planet, surely Musharraf leads one of the most fascinating and dangerous lives. And how often does a ruling dictator write an accessible book? It makes for fascinating reading if only to gain a perspective not available on CNN or other news source. Musharraf is clearly an extremely talented, shrewd and for the most part cogent writer that understands his place in the delicate balance of American anti-terrorism efforts and escalating domestic and to some extent Islamic-world discontent at his handling of the war against terror and the aftermath of AQ Khan's misdeeds. The book illustrates the somewhat absolute influence of the Pakistan army over civilian lives and decisions as well as the alarming possibility that it may be difficult for even Musharraf to exert complete control over miscreant elements within it. Musharraf himself may be trying to curb the extent of the army's influence in domestic life now and probably because he realizes the very instrument that allowed him to get power may end up destroying him and any hope of a workable detente with India. It also highlights the flaws in simplistically poking holes in Pakistani domestic and foreign policy without gaining an understanding of the knife-edge on which Musharraf himself operates.

The book of course has its flaws. From the self-promotion, to the egregiously erroneous account of Kargil compared to neutral observers and journalists, to the obvious focus on events and details of events that establish a clearly biased position...

Regardless, it is a fun book to read for anyone that cares about the sub- continent and the people that shape it.
Comment Comment | Permalink | Was this review helpful to you? Yes No (Report this)



 
26 of 32 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars Gripping but with flaws and contradictions, October 8, 2006
By Khurram Mahmood (Walnut Creek, CA USA) - See all my reviews
(REAL NAME)   
Whether President Musharraf's book is full of lies or not, we'll never know for sure but I can say one thing for sure - it is one of the most gripping books I have read this year. He gives a very detailed account of all the critical things that have hapenned in Pakistan politics in the last 10 or so years starting with the Kargil conflict. It is as expected a very accessible reading, almost conversational in style. His writing has a distinct lack of guile and he is not afraid to discuss highly controversial issues such as his military coup or his decision to not give up his military powers in 2004 as he had earlier promised. His explanations though are not always convincing. If you like mystery novels, you would love the chapters where he explains in detail how Pakistan's intelligence services tracked down and then arrested a number of most wanted terrorists. It's literally a day-by-day and in some cases (like the chapter on his military coup) a minute-by-minute detail of events. Once you pick it up, you won't be able to put it down.

What I don't like about the book is its annoying and overdone bravado, numerous repititions (sometime ridiculous to the point that even the same page is pasted in multiple places to describe the same event multiple times leaving the reader turning the pages to make sure he is not reading the same chapter again) and sometimes just way too much self-promotion. The fact that it is gripping doesn't mean that it is flawless. In fact it has a few major flaws and contradictions. What I find quite amusing is that Mr. Musharraf contradicts himself in so many places without ever noticing it. In the chapter on Kargil conflict, for example, most of the evidence he lays out in painstaking detail actually implicates Pakistan as the instigator. But he being totally oblivious to that, keeps on browbeating about how brave his soldiers were and how India had forced them unwittingly into the conflict. In places, he criticizes somebody for doing something in one chapter and two chapters later he describes how he did essentially the samething at a later time.

I get a distinct feeling from reading this book that Mr. Musharraf has a deep disregard for bureaucracy, politicians and in general of any form of civilian administration. He hammers home this point at several occassions in the book not the least of which is the way he continuously refers to the 1990's decade as the "dreaded decade of democracy" in Pakistan. There is a general consensus among Pakistani intelligentsia that Zia's 11 years dictatorship caused more long-lasting harm to every institution and indeed the very social fabric of Pakistan than any other government in the history of the country with the excpetion of Yahya Khan's short-lived regime. Yet while Mr. Musharraf spends a lot of ink vilifying each democratically elected prime minister all the way from Mr. Bhutto to the last government of Nawaz Sharif, he is unduly reserved in his criticism of Zia's regime and of Zia-ul-Haq himself. You get a sense of military brotherhood when he talks about Zia and even about Yahya Khan - I find that most disconcerting. Also I find it propagandistic given the simple and undisputable fact that Pakistan for most of its tumultous political history has been under one military rule or another and democracy has never been given sufficient time to flourish in the country.

The numbers Mr. Musharraf quotes to prove how his government has turned around the economy are very impressive. Mr. Musharraf's government is currently in the midst of major economic scandals and some of the statistics he so proudly quotes in his book have been disputed by non-partisan institutions and experts. However, overall you do get a sense and I think quite rightly so that his government is doing a better job than any other government in the last decacde or so in Pakistan especially when it comes to economy and freedom of the press. He also discusses at length his plans to strengthen democratic institutions in Pakistan and to provide women means to prosper politically, socially and economically in a male-dominated Pakistani society. Whether he is sincere in his plans or not, he is certainly the first head of government in Pakistan post-Bhutto who at least has identified the true causes of failure of democracy in Pakistan and has a pragmatic plan of action to correct those failures. I get the feeling that some of his ideas in this regard have been inspired by Farid Zakaria's writings on democrarcy and freedom. In any case, his plans seem practical and I hope he remains sincere to his words and actually succeeds in implementing them hopefully by taking a more inclusive approach.

I especially enjoyed reading Mr. Musharraf's views on the so-called clash of civilizations. His thoughts though not original are insightful and expressed in a logical fashion. He goes on to present his personal ideas on how to resolve the Israeli-Palestine problem. He does the same for the Kashmir conflict. In both cases, I was struck by the pragmatic nature of his ideas. It would have been more comfortable for him to take extreme positions on both of these issues. Such extreme rhetoric would have resonated well with the majority of Muslim masses all over the world. Instead by his candor and logical stance, he shows that he is indeed sincere about resolving these issues and is actually pursuing a viable plan of action. Like most Pakistanis, I have no illusions that Mr. Musharraf would be able to resolve any of the two issues. I do think, however, that he might be able to institute a new way of thinking and perhaps even a process in place that might help resolve these issues several years down the road.

The secular intelligentsia in Pakistan may be divided into three broad groups as far as their views on Musharraf's regime are cocerned. First is group of intellectuals who will oppose his regime regardless of whatever it does. This is the group of individuals who believe that democracy is not just a means but an end in itself and thus a dictatorship benign or otherwise must cease to exist. They have some very valid points and most of their views cannot be discounted. The other extreme is the group that believes that democrarcy is a foreign idea and can never flourish in the socio-cultural environment in Pakistan. This group has some valid points too though theirs are based more on how democratic regimes have fared so far in Pakistan. As such at times they sound too short-sighted. There is fortunately a steadily growing third group of intellectuals in Pakistan who are willing to give Musharraf's regime a chance. This is largely a breakaway from the first group. This is the group of individuals who were very skeptical of Musharraf's regime early on but were refreshingly surprised to see that his regime is not marred by the same ills that had characterized prior military governments. For example, his is the first dictatorship in Pakistan's history that has not only tolerated but actively encouraged freedom of speech and expression. Even Pakistan's democratically elected governments have a shameful record in this regard. Mr. Bhutto, for example, was known to use sometimes brutal and humiliating means to quiesce leaders of the media, Mr. Sharif's government would stop all government advertisements (a major source of a newspaper revenue) for those newspapers that openly criticized his regime. Both had a tight control on television and radio and never allowed any difference of opinion to surface there. No point discussing the prior military regimes as they were just outright savage when it came to even a slight difference of opinion. Similarly, Mr. Musharraf is doing a lot more for the rights of women and minorities in Pakistan than the prior regimes. In this and many other regards, Musharraf's is a more democratic regime than Pakistan has seen in its history i.e. if you subscribe to the point of view that the foremost objective of democracy is to provide social, political and economic justice to the people regardless of their race, gender or ethnic background. Mr. Musharraf's record is mixed when it comes to ethnic minorities, the Bughti crisis being the case in point. However, in my opinion the jury is still out on this one. Mr. Musharraf's regime just like his book is not perfect, in fact it's full of flaws but at least there seems to be a genuine attempt to correct the damage done by the successive regimes before him. Nevertheless, this group is running out of patience. Everytime Mr. Musharraf twists the constitution to suit his needs, he loses support among the people in the third group and that support is vital to his government's survival. Pakistanis have a lot to be pessimistic about, what the poeple need is an optimistic piture of the future and tangible progress towards it. This optimistic future doesn't just have justice and economic prosperity but also provides the Pakistanis the ability to elect their own representatives including the head of the state. Mr. Musharraf needs to do a lot more in this regard and he needs to do it fast as many of his supporters are turning back into cynics.

The book is written mainly for international readers and mystery and suspense fans of all backgrounds and I think both groups will enjoy it immensely. The main objective of the book seems to be three-folds - (a) promote Mr. Musharraf as the great secular leader of the Muslim world essentially the 21st century Attaturk and prove that he is the best thing that could happen to not only Pakistan but to the world at large (b) improve Pakistan's image in the eyes of the international public and prove that Pakistan is doing its very best in fighting terrorism and last but not least to emphatically counter the views that India's lobby routinely spreads against the country. I think Mr. Musharraf succeeds in achieving these objectives with varying degrees of success.
Comment Comment | Permalink | Was this review helpful to you? Yes No (Report this)



 
6 of 6 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars Insight into pakistan-though factually tailored, November 13, 2006
By Imran Ali (fairfax, virginia) - See all my reviews
(REAL NAME)   
A Prime Minister orchestrating the hijacking of his military chief, a President's cavalcade being rocked by blasts which throw his car into the air which is then driven on rims for miles to safety, manhunts of al-qaeda's top leadership in Pakistan's fashionable urban centers as well as its desolate deserts and mountains, often using cell phone monitoring and DNA evidence from mutilated bodies, tense negotiations between the world's newest nuclear powers and instituting moderation, democratic reform and economic revival in a Muslim state veering towards extremism. All these elements, rightly choreographed, could be woven into a best-selling novel. However, we are not discussing fiction-this is the story of Pakistan's sitting President, Pervez Musharraf, whose real life memoir, "In the Line of Fire," is selling like hot a best seller.

The book must be read because it opens a window into Pakistan-a frontline country in the global war on terror. Pakistan stands poised on a fork-one prong leading to democracy, moderate Islam and economic revival and the other venturing into the uncertainty of reactionary Islamic extremism and economic uncertainty. It is also important because very little independent accounts of the country's contemporary affairs are available, and this one comes from the sitting head of government, who is likely to steer Pakistan's ship for some time to come.

The downside is that the account is biased-as Musharraf targets the West as the primary audience for his work- and ends up portraying himself as the indispensable saviour of the sinking state of Pakistan. The reality is that Pakistan is not sinking and he is not indispensable.

For a student of the complex state that is Pakistan, this book offers valuable insights into Pakistan's "collective mindset," which permeates the narrative. Unlike India, which inherited the infrastructure of British India, Pakistan could barely survive after the partition holocaust of 1947, which saw millions killed. When the nascent state perceived it was deprived of Kashmir due to a nonexistent military in 1947-48, it assumed a "Pakistan-under-siege" mindset, which still prevails even if has lessened in intensity. The quest for security strengthened the military disproportionately against other institutions of the state and has led to the khaki shadow engulfing all aspects of Pakistan, infact choking civilian growth. The desire to "liberate" Kashmir is so strong, that it has led to two military misadventures, one in 1965 and the other in 1999, ie, Kargil. The "Pakistan-under-siege" mindset was further reinforced, rather permanently etched into Pakistan's "establishment," after its dismemberment in 1971. After the 1974 India test, Pakistan went all out to get a nuclear deterrent, which explains the kind of autonomy AQ Khan enjoyed till his infamous exploits in exporting nuclear technology were discovered in 2003. The mindset also explains Pakistan's aversion to taking strong action against the Taliban because of the need to secure its western frontier.

The fascinating parts of the book relate to the hunt for the elusive leaders of al-qaeda, especially Abu Zubaida, Khalid Sheikh Mohammad, and Al-Libbi. Abu Zubaida was arrested as a result of 13 simultaneous raids in urban Punjab. Khalid Sheikh Mohammad had chosen a safe house in Rawalpindi, akin to the Pentagon in the US, a few minutes from Pakistan army's headquarters. A low level al-qaeda courier had squeaked about the general area and not the specific houses. On intuition, Pakistan's intelligence raided two houses to arrest him. Al-Libbi was missed thrice in Pakistan's rugged Frontier province before he was surrounded by burqa (black veil) wielding Pakistani agents. The tools used to arrest these "high value" targets were cell phone tracing done indigenously by using the SIMs (subscriber identification modules) in the first generation mobile phones used by al-qaeda operatives, half burnt id cards and of course, intelligence provided by CIA which has constantly worked with Pakistan's agencies. These encounters in chapter 20-25 run like a James Hadley Chase thriller.

Written in a simple and personal style, there is a lot of "I" in the book. In the beginning, it doesn't irk, because Musharraf describes his formative years. However, one starts to realize soon that there is a lot of smugness and self-applause in the book, mostly at the expense of others. Parts of the narrative appear vain and childishly self-praising. Witness his description of his relations with his subordinates when he commanded a unit. "I have always been loved by those under my command and therefore I could move them to achieve anything I desired. ----------I ran with them (normally in the lead)." However, such parts also lend an honesty to the narrative-he is writing what he believes-and has not tampered his account to suit his readership.

The facts in the book have been factually tailored to suit Musharraf, and herein lies its greatest weakness. Kargil- described by Musharraf as a victory- was actually an embarrassing misadventure. Musharraf counts the Indian losses, but not the loss of life on the Pakistani side, as well as the diplomatic disaster that ensued. His account of the 2001 Agra summit with Prime Minister Vajpayee puts the blame of failure on India's extremist BJP leadership, conveniently forgetting his ill-timed, show stealing, Kashmir centric televised press conference which actually the chances of a compromise. The blame for sharing nuclear technology is put solely on AQ Khan's shoulders, although it is implausible to imagine that the then military leadership, which included Musharraf, was in the dark. His remarks about some of his military colleagues leave a bad taste, as do his remarks about some of his Indian and Afghan interlocutors. On the domestic front, he highlights one of Pakistan's human rights heroines, Mukhtaran Mai, but conveniently forgets another equally courageous woman, Dr Shazia Khalid, who was allegedly raped by a military officer and later whisked away to London. This case also reveals Musharraf's blind spot-the overarching and debilitating shadow of Pakistan's military on the state, which had choked civil society institutions.

Musharraf also disappoints as far as his reform agenda for Pakistan is concerned. His theory of enlightened moderation is admirable, but his plans for poverty alleviation in Pakistan seem amateurish and inadequate. By ousting Pakistan's two popular, though discredited civilian leaders, Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan's democracy can at best be described as controlled. In seven years, he has done nothing to improve social services at the peoples level; nothing to improve the judiciary and law enforcement and civil service reform is non-existent. His dishing out of all top civilian jobs to retired and serving military officers has led to resentment and demoralization in the civil service. One can easily see that he cannot think beyond himself, and beyond the army. Therefore he seems incapable of ushering in real democracy and real reform of Pakistan's civil society and social sectors. Real democracy would be a threat to his remaining in office and real reform would only be possible if the exorbitant defence expenditure and dominance of military is rolled back-something he is incapable of doing.

Disappointments aside, the book is valuable because it opens up to the world the mind of Pakistan's ruler, and of Pakistan's collective decision making mindset. Musharraf's pomposity, tailoring of facts and the use of the "I," though irritating, also mean that the narrative comes from his heart, and is an honest rendition of his feelings and policies, past, present and future. As a Pakistani, one cannot help but wishing that he would turn out to be a Pakistani De Gualle, someone who ushers in real reform in Pakistan and fades away. But for that to happen-Musharraf would have to metamorphose before he can endeavor to change Pakistan.
Comment Comment (1) | Permalink | Was this review helpful to you? Yes No (Report this)


Share your thoughts with other customers: Create your own review
 
 
 
Most Recent Customer Reviews

3.0 out of 5 stars In the Line of Fire
Pervez Musharraf has a unique perspective on the history of his country and the region.

As President of Pakistan, Musharraf occupied what Time magazine described as... Read more
Published 5 days ago by Samuel Clemens

1.0 out of 5 stars Fiction!!
Well this is all fiction, someone who does not know him or role of Army in Pakistan might treat this book as a gripping book from a Moderate Muslim. Read more
Published 8 months ago by S. Ali

4.0 out of 5 stars Interesting Memoir For Our Times...
The Prime Minister of Pakistan speaks, and what a story he tells. Basically, Pervez tells the story of his life, the India/Pakistan conflict, and the post 9/11 world we live in... Read more
Published 19 months ago by John Beowulf

5.0 out of 5 stars An Outsider's Glimpse into Pakistan
I highly recommend Pervez Musharraf's memoir In the Line of Fire. When reading someone's memoirs the reader has to keep in mind that those words are written from one person's... Read more
Published 21 months ago by Mary Altshuller

3.0 out of 5 stars Propaganda not literature
The problem with most dictators is that at some point of time they begin to believe the propaganda that they put out about themselves. Read more
Published on November 10, 2007 by Paul Dsouza

2.0 out of 5 stars Good read but sensationalist and opinionated!
Disclaimer - I support no political organization and do not have an 'Indian' mindset. I was born in Pakistani middle class, educated family (just like Musharraf) and consider... Read more
Published on May 31, 2007 by Junaid Manzoor

3.0 out of 5 stars Read between the lines
Chinua Achebe once said that ,"Until the lions write their own history, story of hunt will only glorify the hunter", and in the dense forest of Pakistani politics no one can say... Read more
Published on May 27, 2007 by Shoaib M. Shaukat

3.0 out of 5 stars Take it with a grain of salt
Musharaff is an important figure, and he has an interesting tale to tell. He begins when he was about five years old, and Pakistan was breaking away from India. Read more
Published on May 22, 2007 by Steve S.

5.0 out of 5 stars HE IS ARROGANT FOR GOOD REASON !!
It is interesting to note that most of the people writing the review on this book are indians . Their hatred for pakistan has deep rooted historical reasons. Read more
Published on April 30, 2007 by Hassan Raazee

4.0 out of 5 stars Interesting perspective from the "other side"
Being from the Indian side of the sub-continent, I bought this book to get a historical perspective from the other (Pakistani) side. Read more
Published on April 8, 2007 by S. Gopalan

Only search this product's reviews



Customer Discussions

This product's forum
See all 5 discussions...  
Start a new discussion
Topic:
First post:
Prompts for sign-in
 


Active discussions in related forums
Search Customer Discussions
   



So You'd Like to...

Create a guide

Product Information from the Amapedia Community

Beta (What's this?)


Look for Similar Items by Category


Look for Similar Items by Subject

 

Feedback

If you need help or have a question for Customer Service, contact us.
 Would you like to update product info or give feedback on images?
Is there any other feedback you would like to provide?

Your comments can help make our site better for everyone.



Your Recent History

 (What's this?)

After viewing product detail pages or search results, look here to find an easy way to navigate back to pages you are interested in.