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Liberty for Latin America: How to Undo Five Hundred Years of State Oppression (Independent Studies in Political Economy)

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Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

A Peruvian journalist and research fellow at Oakland, Calif.'s Independent Institute, Vargas Llosa proposes that the shortcomings of Latin America's recent experiments with neoliberalism-which have left the elite and poor further apart than ever-reflect a deep-rooted and unshakeable pattern of state intervention in the economy, privilege and laws that have plagued these countries since their early colonial period. Despite the apparent push toward democracy and free markets, he argues, the most recent era of reform failed to address the root of the problem and ended up reinforcing governments' suppression of economic liberty and individual responsibility. Vargas Llosa offers the massive potential of the region's bustling informal economies as a sign of how far out of step the law is with economic and political realities. Not surprisingly, he calls for the abolition of unwieldy business regulations that keep ordinary, enterprising folks out of the legitimate marketplace. A short section of almost blithely outlined solutions disappoints, coming as it does after so much engaging and well-reasoned analysis, particularly since many of his proposals (tax code rewrites, school vouchers) have faced stiff resistance even in the developed country he so often holds up as a model for the region: the United States.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

From The Washington Post

An "enthralling history of permanent revolution," Alvaro Vargas Llosa writes in the stirring final sentence of this provocative book, will turn "the wheel of the individual to its rightful place." This is not Trotsky's permanent revolution, but it is the clarion call of a liberal -- a real liberal who thinks the state should interfere little with the economy or individuals' private lives. Vargas Llosa, who is the son of Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa, writes little about the United States, but he surely believes that self-styled "liberals" in U.S. politics have a fatal attraction for the state. Lest neoconservatives cheer, Vargas Llosa also presents a searing indictment of the history of U.S. policy toward Latin America, including certain Bush administration policies.

This feisty book, which will provoke and annoy people across the political spectrum, is a great read. The author takes on the big state everywhere. He criticizes autocrats from the ideological left and right. He castigates today's democratic presidents of Argentina and Brazil, both vastly popular, just as he dissects the mistakes of their autocratic and democratic predecessors. Vargas Llosa, a prominent Latin American political analyst who was born in Peru, is at his best as a critic of big, concentrated power, be it private or public.

Latin America, he argues, suffered through the centuries from five "principles of oppression": corporatism, state mercantilism, privilege, wealth transfer and political law. Together, these foster state intervention in the economy and society, and concentrate power, status and wealth. He traces these themes from pre-Columbian civilizations through Spanish and Portuguese colonization to the present. He examines the continuity of persistent cultural traits and values from the Iberian and indigenous past, and of significant institutional choices that shaped long-winding paths. For example, he highlights repeated decisions that have weakened property rights, discouraging saving and investment. He embraces often contradictory perspectives to highlight the multiple reasons for the persistence of an oppressive past.

The five key concepts change their characteristics as Vargas Llosa marches through the centuries, however, and fade as he approaches the present. Moreover, he sometimes undermines his own argument. He admits that Latin America's economic growth rates over time seem unrelated to the extent of pro- or anti-market policies. He also praises top-down statist projects, such as the Meiji restoration in 19th-century Japan, when "the Japanese government sought to 'import' Western modes and techniques, was able to finance the effort out of real resources, and made meaningful progress." True, but that enshrines the state as the engine of technical and economic change and generator of well-being -- the opposite of this book's message.

Vargas Llosa also misses the opportunity to use Chile's past quarter-century to educate his reader -- and proves far too kind to the overrated economic performance of Gen. Augusto Pinochet's junta. "Chile had begun its free-market reforms in the 1970s," he writes, "so its 1980s slowdown, including the 1982 financial crisis, in the midst of military dictatorship was of a different nature and found citizens in a different situation, marked by economic change." In fact, in 1980 constant prices, Chile's per capita gross domestic product grew at an annual average of just 1.2 percent between 1981 and 1990 -- better than the dismal South American annual average (-0.9 percent) but not exactly at the level of an "East Asian tiger." In the 1982 financial crisis, Chile was South America's worst performer. Indeed, the Pinochet government actually seized the country's banks -- a policy impulse for which Liberty for Latin America rightly excoriates Mexico in 1982 and Peru in 1987 but not Chile in 1982.

In fact, he could have easily demonstrated that Chilean economic growth rates took off only after the Pinochet regime ended. After 1990, political and economic liberty reinforced each other. The long-lasting Pinochet dictatorship suppressed political freedom and needlessly delayed Chile's economic boom.

Vargas Llosa's key insight is to emphasize the centuries-long persistence of disproportionately concentrated economic, political and social power and the sustained inequality that has prevented the continent's progress. He is at his most articulate when he castigates the consequences of the European conquest and slavery, the systematic deprivation of political and property rights and the state's support of concentrated private power. He is also brilliant when, writing about the recent past, he deplores the privatization of state enterprises -- a principle he celebrates -- as having merely changed "from monopoly to monopoly," that is, from public to private monopolies.

In the end, Vargas Llosa concentrates on choices, but he sometimes thinks too big. Latin America long performed poorly because the means for concentrating public and private power in the hands of just a few oligarchs have never been dismantled. The prosaic explanation for specific periods of economic growth or contraction is good or bad macroeconomic policy choices, a point that Vargas Llosa chooses not to emphasize. That, and not the grander subject of Latin America's legacies of oppression, explains why economies grew (good policies) or stagnated for long periods (bad policies). What good or bad macroeconomic policies never successfully addressed was inequality. Latin America remains the Olympic champion of worldwide inequality.

What, then, of the role of the United States? A chapter entitled "Friendly Fire from the United States" argues that "at no point in the last two centuries has the United States promoted the kinds of policies that could have helped Latin American nations develop into healthy trading partners, solid political interlocutors, and trustworthy neighbors." In particular, he criticizes the 1992 North American Free Trade Agreement for excluding the free movement of peoples in North America. He also chastises the Bush administration's performance in the 2003 talks on a Central American free trade agreement, arguing that it showed a "United States [that] has chosen to help reinforce rather than undermine protectionist privilege" -- requiring Central American "compliance with a battery of U.S. regulations" and employing its overwhelming power to exclude "certain items from the accord." His story of U.S.-Latin American relations helps explain the persistent lack of freedom in Latin America.

Vargas Llosa's book is superb at diagnosing Latin America's ills but less persuasive at explaining them. The book's last chapter, calling for "Liberty for Latin America," provides a powerful set of motivations for change, even if the prescriptions offered here require closer attention. Only wise policy choices will make Latin America's peoples successful as well as free.

Reviewed by Jorge I. Dominguez
Copyright 2005, The Washington Post Co. All Rights Reserved.


Product Details

  • Hardcover: 288 pages
  • Publisher: Farrar, Straus and Giroux; First Edition edition (January 27, 2005)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0374185743
  • ISBN-13: 978-0374185749
  • Product Dimensions: 9.1 x 6.1 x 1.2 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 13.6 ounces
  • Average Customer Review: 3.2 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (5 customer reviews)
  • Amazon.com Sales Rank: #803,180 in Books (See Bestsellers in Books)

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25 of 32 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars Fine analysis, uncertain resolution, May 16, 2005
As someone who lived and worked in Latin America during one of the region's recent attempts at major economic reform, I found myself frequently mumbling "right on" while marking up my copy of Alvaro Vargas Llosa's "Liberty for Latin America." One of the most refreshing elements of the book is that the Peruvian journalist does not blame European colonizers for Latin America's seemingly insurmountable struggle to pull its population from poverty. He takes the root of the problem back to the Maya, Aztecs, and Incas, when the sacred nature of authority was first instilled in the population. People existed not as individuals, but as members of social strata with specific functions, with the number one function of everything being to support the group on top. This fit in perfectly with the kind of top-down hierarchy practiced by Iberian colonizers. Independence and revolution put governments in charge, with peasants working land that now belonged to their government as opposed to a big landowner. In one way or another, the state kept its fingers in every possible pie while the majority of the population remained infantilized, expecting the government provide for them, to be the biggest patrón of all.

What a relief not to have all the region's woes blamed on Spanish or Portuguese colonizers, and to recognize that many of the practices that still hold Latin America back were institutionalized long before Cortez dropped anchor. But while Vargas Llosa's analysis is intelligent and thought-provoking, his recommendations for reform don't fit with what he's just said. We've read how the population has been conditioned to expect a higher authority-God or the government-to take care of everything. People who feel they have no power are not going to know what to do with school vouchers or how to apply for credit when their squatter communities are granted legal status-two of his recommendations. Have school vouchers actually worked anywhere? So much wealth is concentrated in so few hands in the region that it is hard to imagine that the oligarchs will voluntarily give any of it up, and we've seen that revolution doesn't work, and outside prodding backfires . . .Even after reading Vargas Llosa's intelligent work, liberty for Latin America still seems a long way off.
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9 of 11 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars If only it were as simple as Alvaro Vargas Llosa states., January 18, 2007
I live in South America, and, de facto, I am a student of Latin America. Thus, for me Liberty for Latin America was a `must read'. In the four parts, Alvaro Vargas Llosa has written two distinct books - Social/Historical & Economic.

The first part of the text deals with the oppressive history of Latin America. For hundreds of years, Latin America political and economic power, have benefitted only a small elite. This oppressive and privilege status has a history that dates to the Spanish and Portuguese conquest, virtual slavery and mass exploitations under the guise of Catholic paternalism. The concentration of power, status and wealth has not ceased. Today, the struggles in Bolivia, Equador, Venezuela and other countries continue to `luncha' against the systems of privilaged-power that was established more than 500 years ago. Vargas Llosa's explains how the concentrated economic, political and social power, which sustain these oppressive inequalities, continues today. Excellent. He maintains that the enduring legacy of Iberian colonialism continues to sustain and serve the next generation of privileged leadership and that these systems of privilege and power have retarded Latin America's social and economic progress.

The other part of the text deals with his zealous evangelical promotion of `free-market, capitalists'. It is clear that he sees capitalism as the savior of the world'. Everything, should be privatized: education, health, and services of the state. Minimize government, maximize privatization.

His statements can make even those who support a free-market economy cringe. Yet, often in radical expressions, there are seeds of truth. In the end, it is about redistributing wealth.

One wishes that it were as simple as Alvaro Vargas Llosa's solutions. It would be wonderful if those in privileged power would cleanup the corruption (however, this is corruption which supports them). It would be wonderful if the oligarches would affirm the rights of the people (but these are the very people who will rise up and replace them). Yes, also there is a great need to empower the justice system (but of course this will be the very justice system that will prosecute those in power for their crimes against the people). In the words of Louie Armstrong, "what a wonderful world it would be if only we'd give it a chance." I wish it were that simple.

Until a balance of power and wealth is found there will be more coups, state takeovers and capitalistic-sponsored privatization in Latin America. This book will engage you, and, in some degree may enrage you. If you are a student of Latin America history or economics this is a impressive book. Strongly recommended.
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4 of 4 people found the following review helpful:
4.0 out of 5 stars SEEKING A BALANCED ASSESMENT, February 7, 2008
Vargas Llosa's book is not about a perfect recipe. It is an honest insightful review of the Iberian world in the Western Hemisphere, well researched and documented by a Latin, who like his colleagues in arms, Carlos A. Montaner and Alberto Apuleyo are trying to tell the politicians, businessmen and others in the developed countries, to divest themselves of the pink glasses through which they, for decades have looked at Latin America. Even today, as I pore over the reviews on our countries (I am a Latin) I continue to feel disappointment in the intense focus given to growth rates, GDP, exports and imports and other matters that wind up creating economic charts and indices. Latin America cannot be, and any country for the same reason, assessed by simply reading its economic numbers. Liberty as the developed Western World understands it is not a reality in the Hemisphere and the book does a brilliant exercise in explaining why, though the steps to gaining it are only a suggestion and not a mandate as other reviews seem to conclude. This reading is a must for any Latin or foreigner needing to understand....why? Democracy is a hollow word in the region when the definition is placed against the realities found in most of our countries with some exceptional rays of hope. Latin America needs to be understood and its societies given the support wherever real democray and the support of human liberties can start to gain a solid, permanent foothold. The stability of the entire Hemisphere is at the end, what is at play.
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Most Recent Customer Reviews

1.0 out of 5 stars (((((((((( Propaganda from the RIGHT )))))))))
Mr. Vargas knows absolutely no Latin America History.
He should go back and read the chapter that talk about the invading Iraq and compare it to what we now know about this... Read more
Published on April 14, 2006 by jC

3.0 out of 5 stars Didn't know liberty could be so boring!
I picked this book up at the library after seeing the author on C-Span Book TV. With the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas on the table for signing, this seemed like the right... Read more
Published on November 26, 2005 by V. Wicker

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