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The Case for Israel (Hardcover)
by Alan Dershowitz (Author) "Israel is a colonial, imperialist, settler state, comparable to apartheid South Africa..." (more)
Key Phrases: United States, United Nations, World War (more...)
  4.0 out of 5 stars 159 customer reviews (159 customer reviews)  

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Editorial Reviews
From Publishers Weekly
Noting that he has been working on versions of these arguments since 1967, famed Harvard law professor Dershowitz offers "a proactive defense of Israel," a kind of amicus brief to "the court of public opinion." Not least among the exhibits are a WWII-era Muslim Palestinian leader who was "a full fledged Nazi war criminal, and he was so declared at Nuremberg"; a "vastly underpopulated" late 19th-century Palestine, to which European Jews began emigrating; and a 75-year-long Arab-Israeli war that features "Arab nations dedicated to genocidal aggression against civilians." Each of the 32 chapters begins with a commonly heard accusation against Israel, with long quotes from reputable "Accusers" (including newspapers and intellectuals), followed by "The Reality" as Dershowitz sees it, and "The Proof," often drawing on the historical record.
Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information, Inc.

From Booklist
Dershowitz is one of the nation's most prominent and visible defense attorneys, and he is also an ardent, eloquent, but not always uncritical defender of Israel. This book is written in the form of a legal brief. He does not seek to defend particular policies of the current Israeli government. In fact, Dershowitz has frequently criticized some Israeli policies toward Palestinians, particularly regarding West Bank settlements. Rather, here he attempts to rebut what he views as the more general and blatantly discriminatory criticisms of Israel as a state and culture. Some of these criticisms deny the "right" of Israel to exist. In response, Dershowitz asserts both the practical and moral justification for the continued existence of Israel as Jewish state. He also convincingly refutes several other oft-repeated myths, including the supposedly benign treatment of Jews in Arab lands and the "cycle of violence" canard that morally equates Palestinian suicide bombings with Israeli efforts to arrest or kill bombers before they act. As usual, Dershowitz is a passionate but generally fair and honest advocate for his position. Jay Freeman
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved

See all Editorial Reviews

Product Details
  • Hardcover: 272 pages
  • Publisher: Wiley (August 8, 2003)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 047146502X
  • ISBN-13: 978-0471465027
  • Product Dimensions: 9.3 x 6.3 x 0.9 inches
  • Shipping Weight: 1.2 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)
  • Average Customer Review: 4.0 out of 5 stars 159 customer reviews (159 customer reviews)
  • Amazon.com Sales Rank: #300,853 in Books (See Bestsellers in Books)

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Alan Dershowitz's latest blog posts
       
 
Alan Dershowitz sent the following post to customers who purchased The Case for Israel
 
12:30 PM PDT, September 28, 2006
Now that Germany has canceled performances of the Mozart Opera (Idomeneo) in fear of offending Muslims, will Germany finally cancel the annual passion play of Oberammergau because it is so offensive to Jews? Or the various Berlin caberets that trash Christianity? No way! Why not? Because Germans are not afraid of Jewish or Christian who will react to being deeply offended by blowing up the theater. But they are afraid that some offended Muslims will do just that.

Germans are right to be afraid, because there is a track record of Islamic violence in response to cartoons, a lecture by the Pope or other “provocations.” But they are wrong to give in to their fear by censoring the offensive material.

There cannot be one rule for offensiveness to Muslims and another for offensiveness to other religions, ethnicities or cultures.  We should either be sensitive to all claims of offensiveness or to none. The criteria cannot be how much fear has been instilled by threat of violence or by a history of violence.

Giving in to violence only encourages more violence by demonstrating that it works. The “heckler’s veto” – the idea that a speaker can be silenced if hecklers drown him out or threaten him – has now been replaced by the “terrorist’s veto”.

The decision to cancel the Mozart Opera raises interesting questions with regard to free speech.  Instead of censoring the opera, would it not be better to punish threats of violence or incitement to violence directed against the opera?  This too would violate freedom of speech.  But what is more justified: redirecting the offensive material in response to threats or punishing the threats or incitements.  This is an issue worth debating in the age of terrorism.
 
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