If you ever wondered how we as a country went from protecting and defending life to creating an abortion right, Forsythe's 'Abuse of Discretion' is THE text. If you think abortion is legal in the United States only until the end of the first trimester, you are wrong. If you think abortion is legal in the United States only until viability, you are wrong. These are the common misconceptions of how Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton made the United States part of a limited club of nations allowing abortions so long as the 'health' of the mother is affected (or as more commonly referred to as 'abortion on demand') The limited club of nations that the Unites States joined is Canada, North Korea, and China. Think about that. These are the countries whose abortion laws we have matched.
Become informed about the travesty that is Roe v Wade. The Supreme Court removed the debate of abortion out of the hands of the people and their representatives by mandating a one-size fits all right. Roe v. Wade was originally a case about jurisdictional issues, not about arguing a case for a right to an abortion. It was the justices of the United States Supreme Court that took these cases and created a right out of whole cloth. Sound familiar to a recent US Supreme Court ruling?
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Abuse of Discretion: The Inside Story of Roe v. Wade Hardcover – Illustrated, September 24, 2013
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Clarke D. Forsythe
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Clarke D. Forsythe
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Print length496 pages
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LanguageEnglish
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PublisherEncounter Books
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Publication dateSeptember 24, 2013
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Dimensions5.9 x 1.7 x 9.1 inches
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ISBN-101594036926
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ISBN-13978-1594036927
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Editorial Reviews
Review
When Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton were first decided, leading constitutional scholars like Paul Freund, John Hart Ely, and Archibald Cox were severely critical. Though unopposed to statutory reform of abortion law, they expressed deep concerns about the legal foundations of those decisions, and the likely consequences of the Supreme Court’s sweeping judicial over-reach. Now, Clarke Forsythe has proved the worst fears of these legal titans were more than justified. Abuse of Discretion not only exposes the legal and factual errors the Court made in 1972, but meticulously documents the far-reaching and deleterious effects of the Court’s rush to judgment.”
Mary Ann Glendon, Learned Hand Professor of Law, Harvard University
Whatever your opinions on abortion, this book raises troubling questions about the lack of information, and in some cases blatant misinformation, on which the Court decided the abortion issue in 1973. If the courts take upon themselves the authority to decide moral and medical questions of this importance, it is not too much to ask that they adhere to rigorous standards of evidence.”
Michael W. McConnell, Richard & Frances Mallery Professor and Director of the Constitutional Law Center, Stanford Law School
This is an astonishing, amazing, inside-peek at the process that produced one of America's most controversial constitutional decisions of all time. By scouring through the justices' personal papers, Clarke Forsythe has done an incredible job of unearthing the secret story of how and why the Supreme Court decided Roe v. Wade as it did. This is original and insightful history.”
Michael Stokes Paulsen, University Chair & Professor of Law
The University of St. Thomas
The Supreme Court's creation of a constitutional right to abortion in the Roe v. Wade case is widely acknowledged to be completely indefensible as a matter of constitutional law. In this fine book, Clarke Forsythe, one of our finest constitutional scholars writing on abortion jurisprudence, explores not only the legal weaknesses of Roe and its progeny, but also the astonishing medical and public policy errors on which the decision was based. This is a landmark work on abortion, the Constitution, and the Supreme Court.”
Stephen B. Presser, Raoul Berger Professor of Legal History
Northwestern University School of Law
The importance of judges following proper procedure is critical to insure equal justice under law’ (the ideal inscribed on the U.S. Supreme Court building)not only to protect the parties but to justify American citizens' faith in our judicial institutions. That is why Clarke Forsythe's examination in Abuse of Discretion is such a critical piece of legal history. With more than 25 years of legal experience researching, writing and lawyering about abortion issues, Mr. Forsythe is imminently qualified to write this important book. Mr. Forsythe's remarkable, revelatory research merits the most careful consideration. It has the potential to reshape our view (and the future) of Roe v. Wade.”
Lynn D. Wardle, Bruce C. Hafen Professor of Law, Brigham Young University
Mary Ann Glendon, Learned Hand Professor of Law, Harvard University
Whatever your opinions on abortion, this book raises troubling questions about the lack of information, and in some cases blatant misinformation, on which the Court decided the abortion issue in 1973. If the courts take upon themselves the authority to decide moral and medical questions of this importance, it is not too much to ask that they adhere to rigorous standards of evidence.”
Michael W. McConnell, Richard & Frances Mallery Professor and Director of the Constitutional Law Center, Stanford Law School
This is an astonishing, amazing, inside-peek at the process that produced one of America's most controversial constitutional decisions of all time. By scouring through the justices' personal papers, Clarke Forsythe has done an incredible job of unearthing the secret story of how and why the Supreme Court decided Roe v. Wade as it did. This is original and insightful history.”
Michael Stokes Paulsen, University Chair & Professor of Law
The University of St. Thomas
The Supreme Court's creation of a constitutional right to abortion in the Roe v. Wade case is widely acknowledged to be completely indefensible as a matter of constitutional law. In this fine book, Clarke Forsythe, one of our finest constitutional scholars writing on abortion jurisprudence, explores not only the legal weaknesses of Roe and its progeny, but also the astonishing medical and public policy errors on which the decision was based. This is a landmark work on abortion, the Constitution, and the Supreme Court.”
Stephen B. Presser, Raoul Berger Professor of Legal History
Northwestern University School of Law
The importance of judges following proper procedure is critical to insure equal justice under law’ (the ideal inscribed on the U.S. Supreme Court building)not only to protect the parties but to justify American citizens' faith in our judicial institutions. That is why Clarke Forsythe's examination in Abuse of Discretion is such a critical piece of legal history. With more than 25 years of legal experience researching, writing and lawyering about abortion issues, Mr. Forsythe is imminently qualified to write this important book. Mr. Forsythe's remarkable, revelatory research merits the most careful consideration. It has the potential to reshape our view (and the future) of Roe v. Wade.”
Lynn D. Wardle, Bruce C. Hafen Professor of Law, Brigham Young University
About the Author
Clarke D. Forsythe is Senior Counsel at Americans United for Life. Clarke has a B.A. from Allegheny College, a J.D. from Valparaiso University, and an M.A. in Bioethics from Trinity International University. Clarke has been co-counsel for parties in three U.S. Supreme Court cases, has argued cases before federal and state appellate courts and has testified before Congress and state legislatures. He is the author of Politics for the Greatest Good: The Case for Prudence in the Public Square (InterVarsity Press (IVP), 2009). Clarke and his wife, married for 31 years, have five daughters.
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Product details
- Publisher : Encounter Books; Illustrated edition (September 24, 2013)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 496 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1594036926
- ISBN-13 : 978-1594036927
- Item Weight : 1.9 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.9 x 1.7 x 9.1 inches
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- #50 in United States Judicial Branch
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Reviewed in the United States on May 1, 2016
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Reviewed in the United States on April 27, 2015
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This is a very good book that will open your eyes to many truths revolving around the 1973 decision that has turned our country on its head. The author used the papers of several Justices that have been now made public, plus hundreds of other source materials to demonstrate that things are not as they seem (then or now). There are 101 pages of footnotes to back up the author's facts included in this 477 page book. The topic is extremely important considering that over 164 million female babies have been killed (aborted) worldwide since the 1970s with more than 50,000,000 babies aborted (both sexes) in the U.S. alone since 1973. The author has demonstrated that some of the Supreme Court Justices had already made their decision on this case BEFORE the evidence was presented, briefs filed, and hearings had been held. A couple of the Justices went out of their way (based on their own notes) to figure out how to frame their written decisions so as to appear to be supported by the medical facts and the law. The author proves beyond all doubt that neither the medical evidence nor the law supported their decision. He also quoted a number of abortion advocates who have admitted lying in order to further their cause.
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Reviewed in the United States on January 22, 2014
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On January 22, 1973, the Supreme Court of the United States handed down decisions in two abortion-related cases, Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton. The effect of those decisions was immediate and radical. State laws prohibiting or restricting abortion were struck down, and a right to abortion at any time for any reason was established. The United States is now one of only ten nations (out of 195) that permit abortion after 14 weeks, and one of only four that permit it for any reason after viability.
Clarke D. Forsythe argues that the Supreme Court reached the wrong decision in both cases in his new book, Abuse of Discretion. Forsythe is Senior Counsel at Americans United for Life, and this book is the culmination of over 25 years of research into the legal, medical, and political aspects of America’s abortion debate. A unique feature of this book is the extensive use of archival material from the papers of eight of the nine justices who decided the case, some of which has only recently become available to researchers.
Forsythe argues that the Supreme Court’s hearing of Roe and Doe was mistaken from the start. On February 23, 1971, the Court handed down its decision in Younger v. Harris, which limited the power of federal courts to interfere with pending state criminal investigations. The Justices voted to hear Roe and Doe on April 22 in order to determine whether, as a matter of procedure, Younger could be applied to state criminal prosecutions for abortion. The first round of oral arguments took place on December 13, when the Court had two vacancies. A second round occurred on October 11, 1972, after those vacancies had been filled.
Because the question before the Court was procedural, rather than substantive—that is, whether a federal court had the jurisdiction to intervene in state prosecutions for abortion rather than whether abortion was a fundamental right—the cases came before the Justices with no trial or factual records. And most of the oral arguments dealt with jurisdiction rather than rights. Consequently, in deciding the cases, the Justices were flying blind.
This is evident in the majority’s reliance on Cyril Means’ arguments—long since refuted—that abortion was a liberty under English common law, and that growing American restrictions on abortion in the 19th century were meant to protect the mother, not the child in the womb. It is evident in their misconstrual of the common law’s use of “born alive” as a gestational rather than evidentiary term. It is evident in their taking “judicial notice” of factual assertions—questionable even then—about the high death rates involved with illegal “back alley” abortions, and the comparative safety of legal induced abortion to natural childbirth. And it is evident in importance Roe placed on “viability,” even though the concept was absent from the Texas and Georgia laws under consideration, not to mention its absence from any state law at the time.
To put the matter simply, the majority decisions in both cases invented a right to abortion that misconstrued American legal history, rested on unfactual “facts,” and bulldozed the right of the people through their legislative representatives to craft laws according to their fundamental values. The combined decisions of Roe and Doe were more radical than any state laws that had been acted in the late 60s, even the “liberal” ones. It is sometimes thought, on the basis of Roe, that states can limit access to abortion after viability. But the “maternal health” exemption outlined in Doe makes the right to abortion so absolute that even public health requirements for abortion facilities were invalidated by federal courts after 1973. Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton created a constitutionally guaranteed right to a surgical procedure largely free of regulatory oversight. Kermit Gosnell’s abortion clinic—abattoir, really—demonstrates that absent common-sense regulations, “back alley” abortions can move inside otherwise legal clinics.
American society now faces an ongoing “culture war” over abortion that is incapable of legislative resolution, precisely because the Supreme Court has taken the matter out of citizens’ hands. Where the Court has left power in citizens’ hands on other issues, the people have crafted pragmatic, moderating solutions that, while not necessarily satisfying partisans on either side, at least reflect the “vital center” of American opinion. The center does not hold in America because the Supreme Court will not let it.
For exposing the hollow legal reasoning and perverse effects of Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton, Clarke D. Forsythe should be congratulated, and his book widely read.
Clarke D. Forsythe argues that the Supreme Court reached the wrong decision in both cases in his new book, Abuse of Discretion. Forsythe is Senior Counsel at Americans United for Life, and this book is the culmination of over 25 years of research into the legal, medical, and political aspects of America’s abortion debate. A unique feature of this book is the extensive use of archival material from the papers of eight of the nine justices who decided the case, some of which has only recently become available to researchers.
Forsythe argues that the Supreme Court’s hearing of Roe and Doe was mistaken from the start. On February 23, 1971, the Court handed down its decision in Younger v. Harris, which limited the power of federal courts to interfere with pending state criminal investigations. The Justices voted to hear Roe and Doe on April 22 in order to determine whether, as a matter of procedure, Younger could be applied to state criminal prosecutions for abortion. The first round of oral arguments took place on December 13, when the Court had two vacancies. A second round occurred on October 11, 1972, after those vacancies had been filled.
Because the question before the Court was procedural, rather than substantive—that is, whether a federal court had the jurisdiction to intervene in state prosecutions for abortion rather than whether abortion was a fundamental right—the cases came before the Justices with no trial or factual records. And most of the oral arguments dealt with jurisdiction rather than rights. Consequently, in deciding the cases, the Justices were flying blind.
This is evident in the majority’s reliance on Cyril Means’ arguments—long since refuted—that abortion was a liberty under English common law, and that growing American restrictions on abortion in the 19th century were meant to protect the mother, not the child in the womb. It is evident in their misconstrual of the common law’s use of “born alive” as a gestational rather than evidentiary term. It is evident in their taking “judicial notice” of factual assertions—questionable even then—about the high death rates involved with illegal “back alley” abortions, and the comparative safety of legal induced abortion to natural childbirth. And it is evident in importance Roe placed on “viability,” even though the concept was absent from the Texas and Georgia laws under consideration, not to mention its absence from any state law at the time.
To put the matter simply, the majority decisions in both cases invented a right to abortion that misconstrued American legal history, rested on unfactual “facts,” and bulldozed the right of the people through their legislative representatives to craft laws according to their fundamental values. The combined decisions of Roe and Doe were more radical than any state laws that had been acted in the late 60s, even the “liberal” ones. It is sometimes thought, on the basis of Roe, that states can limit access to abortion after viability. But the “maternal health” exemption outlined in Doe makes the right to abortion so absolute that even public health requirements for abortion facilities were invalidated by federal courts after 1973. Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton created a constitutionally guaranteed right to a surgical procedure largely free of regulatory oversight. Kermit Gosnell’s abortion clinic—abattoir, really—demonstrates that absent common-sense regulations, “back alley” abortions can move inside otherwise legal clinics.
American society now faces an ongoing “culture war” over abortion that is incapable of legislative resolution, precisely because the Supreme Court has taken the matter out of citizens’ hands. Where the Court has left power in citizens’ hands on other issues, the people have crafted pragmatic, moderating solutions that, while not necessarily satisfying partisans on either side, at least reflect the “vital center” of American opinion. The center does not hold in America because the Supreme Court will not let it.
For exposing the hollow legal reasoning and perverse effects of Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton, Clarke D. Forsythe should be congratulated, and his book widely read.
9 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on May 4, 2014
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No matter which side of the abortion discussion you live on this is an excellent book even if only for the bibliography and footnotes. Forsythe has documente his case so well that I have started reading some of his source material.
Of course, the pro-abortion folks would have a more difficult time swallowing his conclusions, but Forsythe makes clear his path to them. I cannot imagine a more thorough discussion on what the arguments were and were not, and most importantly what the issues were that should have been the basis for this Roe v Wade and Doe v Bolton decisions.
The very fact that both were decided simultaneously but we only hear of Roe is a large statement. Doe v Bolton made the abortion mills a place where no agency could go, making normal medical practices and oversight nearly impossible—a fact we really do not understand until Gosnell and Carhartt have come to light.
I thought the most enlightening chapter may have been the vested interest that the pro-abortion lawyers and some of the Justices had the results. No more enlightening was the naivete the Justices showed in thinking that abortion would be something mainstream medical doctors would embrace, but instead of left it to the professional abortionist. They did not understand that doctors in the main, see themselves saving lives.
Of course, the pro-abortion folks would have a more difficult time swallowing his conclusions, but Forsythe makes clear his path to them. I cannot imagine a more thorough discussion on what the arguments were and were not, and most importantly what the issues were that should have been the basis for this Roe v Wade and Doe v Bolton decisions.
The very fact that both were decided simultaneously but we only hear of Roe is a large statement. Doe v Bolton made the abortion mills a place where no agency could go, making normal medical practices and oversight nearly impossible—a fact we really do not understand until Gosnell and Carhartt have come to light.
I thought the most enlightening chapter may have been the vested interest that the pro-abortion lawyers and some of the Justices had the results. No more enlightening was the naivete the Justices showed in thinking that abortion would be something mainstream medical doctors would embrace, but instead of left it to the professional abortionist. They did not understand that doctors in the main, see themselves saving lives.
3 people found this helpful
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