- Hardcover: 192 pages
- Publisher: Knopf; 1 edition (September 21, 2010)
- Language: English
- ISBN-10: 0307592812
- ISBN-13: 978-0307592811
- Product Dimensions: 5.8 x 0.8 x 9.5 inches
- Shipping Weight: 13.6 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
- Average Customer Review: 342 customer reviews
- Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #325,834 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
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Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's Future Hardcover – Deckle Edge, September 21, 2010
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From Publishers Weekly
Reich (Supercapitalism), secretary of labor under Bill Clinton and former economic adviser to President Obama, argues that Obama's stimulus package will not catalyze real recovery because it fails to address 40 years of increasing income inequality. The lessons are in the roots of and responses to the Great Depression, according to Reich, who compares the speculation frenzies of the 1920s–1930s with present-day ones, while showing how Keynesian forerunners like FDR's Federal Reserve Board chair, Marriner Eccles, diagnosed wealth disparity as the leading stress leading up to the Depression. By contrast, sharing the gains of an expanding economy with the middle class brought unprecedented prosperity in the postwar decades, as the majority of workers earned enough to buy what they produced. Despite occasional muddled analyses (of the offshoring of industrial production in the 1990s, for example), Reich's thesis is well argued and frighteningly plausible: without a return to the "basic bargain" (that workers are also consumers), the "aftershock" of the Great Recession includes long-term high unemployment and a political backlash--a crisis, he notes with a sort of grim optimism, that just might be painful enough to encourage necessary structural reforms.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Since his tenure as secretary of labor in the 1990s, Reich has expounded his economic and political opinions in books, and here he reviews the recent recession. His retrospective diagnosis for the recession’s cause is simple: too much national income went to the rich, which induced the federal government and the middle class to subsist on credit, creating a bubble that inevitably burst. From his identification of stagnant consumer purchasing power as the problem, Reich’s solution unfolds with ineluctable Keynesian predictability: raise income, inheritance, and capital-gains taxes on the rich, and move the revenue down the income scale in the form of expanding programs such as Medicare and Medicaid or tax breaks such as the earned income tax credit. Reich also wants a “wage insurance” program and a carbon tax: blissfully, the federal government’s debt would not increase under such a restoration of the “bargain” between rich and nonrich, according to Reich. Ensured a current-events hearing by his public prominence, Reich may find his readership defined by those in tune with his short tract’s expansionist view of government. --Gilbert Taylor
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This is from Robert Reich’s book Aftershock. It is a very good summary of what happened in 2008. Except that it isn’t Reich himself and it isn’t about 2008. Reich is quoting long-ago Fed chairman Marriner Eccles. And Eccles was writing not about 2008 but about 1929 and the Great Depression that followed.
Reich was Labor Secretary in Clinton’s first administration and is now Professor of Public Policy at Berkeley. His diagnosis, as set out in Aftershock, is simple; it is that the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few will make everyone poorer, because the rich don’t spend anything like enough to generate employment – that needs a mass market, with everyone participating. In fact, the process of wealth concentration had been going on for years before 2008. “The wages of the typical American hardly increased in the three decades leading up to the Crash of 2008, considering inflation. In the 2000s, they actually dropped,” says Reich, and goes on to explain that the economy has grown so much over that period that, had the benefits been divided equally, the typical person would be 60% better off.
If that’s the case, how come no-one seemed to notice this was happening for 30 years? Reich argues that the relative decline in income for most people was masked by longer hours; the participation of women as well as men in the workforce, generating dual incomes; and, most dangerously, by an explosion of credit. A quick look at house prices over the last 30 years suggests where much of that credit went. When the property bubble burst, the game, indeed, stopped.
This is a lucid and persuasive book. Reich writes well; his talent is to explicate and illuminate, rather than lecture. The same can be seen in the film Inequality for All, which arose from the book and sets out the same ideas; Reich comes across as a man of some warmth and humour and a natural communicator.
This book isn’t just a diagnosis, however; it’s a prognosis and prescription as well. And it’s on these two latter that the book does come unstuck a little.
The prognosis, Reich warns, is that if we’re unlucky Americans will at last say “Hell, we were screwed” but then draw quite the wrong conclusion from that, electing a right-wing, isolationist, populist and frightening President. (He is wise enough to make this a fictional character, though she slightly resembles a sort of Palin-Thatcher cross.) Losers of rigged games, as Reich rightly says, tend to get angry. His scenario may come true, but it is just as likely that Americans, and Brits, will vote for governments who see the need for greater equality, but that those governments will be hamstrung by markets, trade treaties and, in the US, legislative stasis. In that case people will, quietly first and then in greater numbers, drift away from the system, and society will lose its cohesion; government will become ineffective; and the Western world will slide into senescence and irrelevance.
Prof Reich also suggests a number of measures to address inequality. One is a “reverse income tax” that will subsidise the middle class (why does the US not appear to have a working class, one wonders?). The money would be added to paychecks. This reminds one of the system of poor relief devised by magistrates at Speenhamland in Berkshire at the end of the 18th century. “Speenhamland” was, when I was young, always taught as an example of the road to hell being paved with good intentions. It simply allowed employers to lower wages, thus accumulating wealth for themselves while making the public pay their wage bill. In fact, recent research has suggested that Speenhamland’s outcomes were not so clear-cut. Still, with many lower-paid workers in Western countries now drawing welfare to supplement their wages, one wonders whether we already have Speenhamland writ large. Wouldn’t we be better off having a much higher, and strongly enforced, minimum wage? Far from bankrupting employers, it’ll make us all richer in the end.
Reich also proposes a carbon tax to fund this wage subsidy. He suggests an indirect tax set at $35 a ton. In suggesting this, he is rather going where angels fear to tread. The whole argument of carbon tax vs. carbon market is a big messy one, and governments have so far had a hard time applying either. The price of carbon on the open market is nothing like $35; moreover permission to emit it is effectively a raw material for industry. Taxing what is, in effect, a raw material at way above its market value may not be a good idea; you wouldn't do it with steel. It's far better to offset emissions with credits bought on the market, as this means positive as well as negative credits can be accrued, giving a much bigger incentive to reduce emissions. I’d argue that the carbon question shouldn't get mixed up with wages; it needs its own solution, and is best left in the separate box where it belongs.
The author also does not really address the whole question of governance. True, he clearly perceives poor governance as a driver of inequity; many of the evils of the last 30-odd years would not have arisen if the privileged hadn’t been able to buy power and influence through lobbyists, or hold politicians in thrall through campaign contributions. Reich therefore suggests measures to get money out of politics, and he is clearly right. What he does not discuss is the weakness of electoral systems that give voters a limited choice between at most two candidates, both of which will in effect be part of the system he deprecates. You want to throw the bums out? Give us a system that allows alternatives.
Reich’s prognosis and prescription are incomplete, and are the reason why I give this book four stars and not five. But in a way that is not the point of Aftershock. There can be no prognosis or prescription without diagnosis, and the diagnosis in this book is spot-on. What is more, it is (as in the film) delivered with clarity, warmth and charm. Anyone who wants to know how we got into such a mess in 2008, and 1929, should read this book, then think for themselves – long and hard – about where we go next.
I guess that 80% of the public doesn't understand that they are pawns in corporate greed. The wealthy must pay more tax, even Warren Buffet said so recently. These underclass people do not vote their pocket book or best future interests. The media, especially the conservative right wing new shows on cable are a big part of it. America needs to spend more time on economics and less time on "Dancing With The Stars" before we disappear from this planet.
The other side of the issue continues to command high profile; profound faith in the invisible hand of the unfettered free market, limited government power based upon narrow interpretation of Constitutional authority, and abstinence from social engineering.
I think that if we the people are to form a continually more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, then we somehow need to find a way to look at historical facts in relation to our present circumstances and ask ourselves hard questions about what the facts might imply. The theses advanced are supported by data.
The book presents one viewpoint, specific to our lives in the USA: that equitable distribution of the fruits of the economy is conducive to optimal economic growth and productivity, thus benefitting all by balancing supply and demand; that our present suboptimal condition has arisen primarily from increasingly disparate distribution, in addition to effects of automation and outsourcing; and that political will could effect change leading to improvement.
To the extent that we categorize ourselves as "progressive" or "conservative" and select the views we are willing to consider based upon this simple filter, I think we will not fare as well as we otherwise could.
I found this book to be thought provoking and would highly recommend it to anyone willing to entertain a broad range of views pertaining to the current employment issues we have here in the USA. It's written in a conversational tone that makes it easy to grasp the author's points, whether or not you ultimately agree or disagree with them.