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The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties Hardcover – January 21, 2020

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A major American intellectual makes the historical case that the reforms of the 1960s, reforms intended to make the nation more just and humane, instead left many Americans feeling alienated, despised, misled—and ready to put an adventurer in the White House.

Christopher Caldwell has spent years studying the liberal uprising of the 1960s and its unforeseen consequences. Even the reforms that Americans love best have come with costs that are staggeringly high—in wealth, freedom, and social stability—and that have been spread unevenly among classes and generations.

Caldwell reveals the real political turning points of the past half century, taking readers on a roller-coaster ride through Playboy magazine, affirmative action, CB radio, leveraged buyouts, iPhones, Oxycontin, Black Lives Matter, and internet cookies. In doing so, he shows that attempts to redress the injustices of the past have left Americans living under two different ideas of what it means to play by the rules.

Essential, timely, hard to put down, The Age of Entitlement is a brilliant and ambitious argument about how the reforms of the past fifty years gave the country two incompatible political systems—and drove it toward conflict.

Print length

352 pages
Language

English
Publisher

Simon & Schuster
Publication date

January 21, 2020
Dimensions

6 x 1.3 x 9 inches
ISBN-10

1501106899
ISBN-13

978-1501106897
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Editorial Reviews

Review

The Wall Street Journal's Best Political Books of 2020

“One of the right’s most gifted and astute journalists”
— New York Times Book Review

"The Age of Entitlement is a work of history, not a work of sociological analysis. It does not conclude with a list of solutions or proposals. But this is no ordinary work of history. It engages and dazzles the reader in the way the histories of A.J.P. Taylor once did. Caldwell, as those who know his journalism and his 2010 book Reflections on the Revolution in Europe will know, has a marvelous talent for pointing out the unacknowledged contradictions and perversities in the outlooks of both left and right."
—Commentary

“American conservatism’s foremost writer… This is a heretical, unsettling work"
—The Irish Times

"The Age of Entitlement is an eloquent and bracing book, full of insight."
— New York Magazine

“Scholarly, provocative, insightful: this is history-writing at its best. Readers of Caldwell’s journalism will instantly recognize his capacity to use a single moment or event to illuminate a much wider phenomenon. Anyone wishing to understand the failure of the American elite over the more than half century since President Kennedy was assassinated, and thus why Donald Trump was elected, must read but profoundly thoughtful book.”
— Andrew Roberts, New York Times bestselling author of Leadership in War

“In this landmark cultural and political history of the last half-century, Christopher Caldwell brilliantly dissects the new progressive establishment, and shows how the reforms of the sixties gradually devolved into intolerance, self-righteousness, and the antithesis of what had started out as naive idealism. A singular analysis by a masterful chronicler of the sixties dreams that have gone so terribly, but predictably, wrong.”
— Victor Davis Hanson, author of The Case for Trump

“The Age of Entitlement rudely dismembers the moral pretensions of our ruling class in the tradition of Christopher Lasch. If the trajectory of political correctness leaves you bewildered, here you will learn its institutional logic—the key role it plays in legitimating new structures of inequality. Thanks to Caldwell, we now understand how this regime change happened, and why half the electorate thought it necessary to cast a vote of desperation in 2016.”
—Matthew Crawford, New York Times bestselling author of Shop Class as Soulcraft

“The sharpest and most insightful conservative critique of mainstream politics in years.”
— Publishers Weekly (starred review)

“A deeper, wider cultural and constitutional narrative of the last half-century... Caldwell’s account is indispensable — especially for liberals — in understanding how resentments grew... nuanced and expansive”
— Andrew Sullivan, New York Magazine

"A sweeping but insightful examination into every social, political and legal decision, movement and trend that leaves us where we are today in a polarized nation. ... a fascinating read that could ignite 1,000 conversations ... Caldwell’s analysis of our Vietnam legacy is particularly masterful but the book brims with brisk evaluations of how a confident nation became an argumentative, fragmented one."
— The Associated Press

"In all, a deeply felt, highly readable, and dead honest account of America since the 1960s and the terrible wrong turn we took then and continue to follow, disrupting what we used to call the American way, and leading to the increasing alienation of many of our most productive citizens, who believe they may be losing their country."
— The Washington Times

About the Author

Christopher Caldwell is a contributing editor at the Claremont Review of Books and a contributing opinion writer for The New York Times. He was previously a senior editor at the Weekly Standard and a columnist for the Financial Times. He is the author of The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties and Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: Immigration, Islam and the West.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Chapter 1: 1963

1 1963

The assassination of Kennedy

In the mid-1960s, at a moment of deceptively permanent-looking prosperity, the country’s most energetic and ideological leaders made a bid to reform the United States along lines more just and humane. They rallied to various loosely linked moral crusades, of which the civil rights movement, culminating in the 1964 Civil Rights Act, provided the model. Women entered jobs and roles that had been male preserves. Sex came untethered from both tradition and prudery. Immigrants previously unwanted in the United States were welcomed and even recruited. On both sides of the clash over the Vietnam War, thinkers and politicians formulated ambitious plans for the use of American power.

Most people who came of age after the 1960s, if asked what that decade was “about,” will respond with an account of these crusades, structured in such a way as to highlight the moral heroism of the time. That is only natural. For two generations, “the sixties” has given order to every aspect of the national life of the United States—its partisan politics, its public etiquette, its official morality.

This is a book about the crises out of which the 1960s order arose, the means by which it was maintained, and the contradictions at its heart that, by the time of the presidential election of 2016, had led a working majority of Americans to view it not as a gift but as an oppression.

The assassination of Kennedy

The era we think of as the sixties began with relative suddenness around the time of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963. Americans are right to say that nothing was ever the same after Kennedy was shot. You can hear the change in popular music over a matter of months. A year-and-a-half before Kennedy was killed, “Stranger on the Shore,” a drowsy instrumental by the British clarinetist Acker Bilk, had hit number one. A year-and-a-half after the assassination, the musicians who would form Jefferson Airplane, the Grateful Dead, Big Brother and the Holding Company, and various other druggie blues and folk-rock bands were playing their first gigs together in San Francisco.

This does not mean that the assassination “caused” the decade’s cultural upheaval. The months before Kennedy’s death had already seen the publication of Thomas Kuhn’s book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (August 1962), which upended notions about science’s solidity and a lot of social and political assumptions built on it; Rachel Carson’s exposé of pesticides, Silent Spring (September 1962); and The Feminine Mystique (February 1963), Betty Friedan’s attack on what she saw as the vapidity of well-to-do housewives’ existence. Something was going to happen.

The two conflicts that did most to define the American 1960s—those over racial integration and the war in Vietnam—were already visible. In October 1962, rioting greeted attempts to enforce a Supreme Court decision requiring the segregated University of Mississippi to enroll its first black student, James Meredith. The last summer of Kennedy’s life ended with an unprecedented March on Washington by 200,000 civil rights activists. Three weeks before Kennedy was killed in Dallas, Vietnamese president Ngo Dinh Diem was ousted and then murdered in a coup that Kennedy had authorized.

Kennedy’s death, though, gave a tremendous impetus to changes already under way. Often peoples react to a political assassination, as if by collective instinct, with a massive posthumous retaliation. They memorialize a martyred leader by insisting on (or assenting to) a radicalized version, a sympathetic caricature, of the views they attribute to him. The example most familiar to Americans came in the wake of Abraham Lincoln’s assassination in 1865, when the country passed constitutional reforms far broader than those Lincoln himself had sought: not only a Thirteenth Amendment to abolish slavery but also a broad Fourteenth Amendment, with its more general and highly malleable guarantees of equal protection and due process.

Something similar happened in the 1960s. A welfare state expanded by Medicare and Medicaid, the vast mobilization of young men to fight the Vietnam War, but, above all, the Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts—these were all memorials to a slain ruler, resolved in haste over a few months in 1964 and 1965 by a people undergoing a delirium of national grief. Kennedy’s successor, Lyndon B. Johnson, was able to take ideas for civil rights legislation, languishing in the months before Kennedy’s death, and cast them in a form more uncompromising than Kennedy could have imagined.

Civil rights ideology, especially when it hardened into a body of legislation, became, most unexpectedly, the model for an entire new system of constantly churning political reform. Definitions of what was required in the name of justice and humanity broadened. Racial integration turned into the all-embracing ideology of diversity. Women’s liberation moved on to a reconsideration of what it meant to be a woman (and, eventually, a man). Immigration became grounds for reconsidering whether an American owed his primary allegiance to his country or whether other forms of belonging were more important. Anti-communist military adventures gave way, once communism began to collapse in 1989, to a role for the United States as the keeper of the whole world’s peace, the guarantor of the whole world’s prosperity, and the promulgator and enforcer of ethical codes for a new international order, which was sometimes called the “global economy.”

There was something irresistible about this movement. The moral prestige and practical resources available to the American governing elite as it went about reordering society were almost limitless. Leaders could draw not just on the rage and resolve that followed Kennedy’s death but also on the military and economic empire the United States had built up after World War II; on the organizational know-how accumulated in its corporations and foundations; on the Baby Boom, which, as the end of the twentieth century approached, released into American society a surge of manpower unprecedented in peacetime; and, finally, on the self-assurance that arose from all of these things.

The reforms of the sixties, however, even the ones Americans loved best and came to draw part of their national identity from, came with costs that proved staggeringly high—in money, freedom, rights, and social stability. Those costs were spread most unevenly among social classes and generations. Many Americans were left worse off by the changes. Economic inequality reached levels not seen since the age of the nineteenth-century monopolists. The scope for action conferred on society’s leaders allowed elite power to multiply steadily and, we now see, dangerously, sweeping aside not just obstacles but also dissent.

At some point in the course of the decades, what had seemed in 1964 to be merely an ambitious reform revealed itself to have been something more. The changes of the 1960s, with civil rights at their core, were not just a major new element in the Constitution. They were a rival constitution, with which the original one was frequently incompatible—and the incompatibility would worsen as the civil rights regime was built out. Much of what we have called “polarization” or “incivility” in recent years is something more grave—it is the disagreement over which of the two constitutions shall prevail: the de jure constitution of 1788, with all the traditional forms of jurisprudential legitimacy and centuries of American culture behind it; or the de facto constitution of 1964, which lacks this traditional kind of legitimacy but commands the near-unanimous endorsement of judicial elites and civic educators and the passionate allegiance of those who received it as a liberation. The increasing necessity that citizens choose between these two orders, and the poisonous conflict into which it ultimately drove the country, is what this book describes.

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Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Simon & Schuster (January 21, 2020)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 352 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1501106899
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1501106897
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.1 pounds
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6 x 1.3 x 9 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #38,466 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #92 in Civil Rights & Liberties (Books)
- #182 in Political Commentary & Opinion
- #209 in History & Theory of Politics

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709 ratings

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Christopher Caldwell

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Christopher Caldwell is a contributing editor at the Claremont Review of Books and a contributing opinion writer for The New York Times. He was previously a senior editor at the Weekly Standard and a columnist for the Financial Times. He is the author of The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties and Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: Immigration, Islam and the West.

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5 star		79%
4 star		12%
3 star		5%
2 star		2%
1 star		2%

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MT.

5 Star Potential, 2 Star Performance

Reviewed in the United States on February 6, 2020

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I bought this book with high expectations, instead, I came away disappointed. Which is a shame because I think this work of art can be so much more. A book is a message-delivery device. So my review will focus on both the message of the author and the medium he used. I will also offer thoughts on how future editions of the book can inch closer to a 5-star rating.

MESSAGE REVIEW (4 stars)
One-paragraph Summary of the book:
The central thesis of the book is that the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (CRA-64) was a much bigger deal than its supporters realized. Had they known what they were backing, they probably would have re-considered it. The CRA-64, according to the author, is a rival constitution to the original constitution and so the United States of America can no longer be united since it is now being ruled by two opposing constitutions. One is the de jure, which favors conservatives, Republicans, in short, straight white men. The de jure is fading out in the face of the de facto constitution which favors anyone that is not white, male and straight.

What I like about the message:
1. The author repeated his key point many times. In page 120, we read: “Almost everyone other than white heterosexual males could benefit in some way from civil right laws. Vast, hitherto unenvisioned coalitions, perhaps even electoral majorities, could be formed by rallying other non-white groups.” He made variants of this statement so often that it’s hard for you to miss what he was trying to pass across.
2. The author showed how the CRA-64 has worked against America. He, for instance, drew a straight line from the CRA-64 (and the twin offspring of Affirmative Action and Political Correctness it birthed) to the financial crisis of 2008. He also showed how recoveries from recession are now taking longer, thanks to the unintended(?) consequences of the CRA-64. If the author is to be believed, America’s debt will only soar because it has to pacify not one, but two constitutions. The alternative is anarchy.
3. The author’s original views. Maybe I am not well read, but he is the first I have seen praise Nixon and vilify Reagan in the same sentence. I had to read sections of the book discussing Nixon over and again to be sure. According to the author, Reagan wasted an opportunity to right the disruptive course of the CRA-64. “The Reagan era had in retrospect marked a consolidation, not a reversal, of the movements that began in the 1960s. In the quarter-century after Reagan, conservatives lost every battle against the substance of political correctness.” (p. 163) To be fair, the author sounded unimpressed with all the Republican administration since Nixon: Reagan, Bush and his "even more reckless" son were all painted with a broad brush. No mention of Donald Trump (more on this later)
4. I share his disdain for the excesses of Affirmative Action and Political Correctness. In page 154, for instance, we read: “Discouraging or disciplining racist attitudes was no longer enough – it had become necessary to destroy the life and livelihood of anyone even suspected of harboring them.” And “Only with the entrenchment of political correctness did it become clear what Americans had done in 1964: They had inadvertently voted themselves a second constitution without explicitly repealing the one they had. Each constitution contained guarantees of rights that could be invoked against the other – but in any conflict it was the new, un-official constitution, nurtured by elites in all walks of life, that tended to prevail…this was a recipe for strife.” (p.171)
So why not give the message 5 stars?
Because the author painted a bleak picture that is not necessarily true and sometimes exaggerated and he offered no way out except by a repeal of either the old constitution or the new one. He saw no other way. I am not sure I want to live in a pre-CRA-64 society where a hotel owner is free to deny service to a tired traveler “for any reason or no reason whatsoever” and call that “simple justice.”(p. 18) But I also don’t want cherished traditions and norms trampled upon in the name of the shifting sand of “diversity.”
The book said elections are not a remedy either because the CRA-64 has marched along unabated through both Democratic and Republican administrations leaving winners and losers in its wake. I disagree. Elections have consequences, to borrow a popular saying. Elections matter a lot. The Trump administration just confirmed 187 federal judges, including 2 Supreme Court justices, because he is a Republican backed by a Republican-majority Senate. Without conservative victory at the ballot box, that won’t be possible. The way to fight the worst impulses of the CRA-64 is to have textualists on the bench. Elections can help achieve that. That, to me, is how we can keep the good of CRA-64 while reining in the bad. I would have loved for the author to point out cases where “liberal activists” lost in court because of the makeup of the bench. It would have been a good counterbalance and a call to action for all.

REVIEW OF THE BOOK AS A WORK OF ART (Rating 0 Stars)

This is a poorly edited book. I’m no editor but I know a shoddy work when I see one and trust me when I say this work is sub-par. The fatal flaw of this book is that it was published in January 2020; yet you could tell that it was written in the final months of 2016. You would be forgiven if you thought this book was published in January 2017 because there was no mention of Donald Trump, no mention of anything that happened in America in 2017, 2018 and 2019. For a book that wants to educate us on “America Since the Sixties,” omitting the last three years prior to publication in the narrative is unforgivable. I wonder how who thought that was a brilliant idea.

There are other defects: Section 4 on War feels contrived and unnecessary. The book, for whatever reason, feels like it needs to dedicate an entire section to the Vietnam War. It tries to draw parallels with the civil right laws but fails to do so convincingly. There are many a paragraph where I kept asking myself “why is this material included?” A page or two on the War, tucked away in another section was all that was needed. 27 pages was a bit too much.

One more: The author dropped a sentence without expanding further on it. In page 232, we read: “Now it became clear that the members of any group that felt itself despised and degraded could defend its interests this way. Even whites.” If I were editing this book, I would have pushed the author to show how whites have taken (or can take) advantage of the CRA-64. After all, two can play the game.

HOW TO MAKE THIS GOOD BOOK GREAT
Average of 4 and 0 is 2. This is why this book, as written, is worth not more than 2 stars. The following are ways future editions can be made better.
1. Be current!! You cannot write a book on “America since the Sixties” and leave out three whole years prior to the book’s publication!
2. Since the election of 2016 was such a seismic shift in the way people saw the country and the ignored forces at work, a great book would have shed more light on why the result was inevitable. This is especially so because, for two years, Republicans controlled everything: the White House, the two houses of Congress and the Supreme Court leaned conservative. The book wants us to feel that conservatism is dying because “there is less to conserve” each day due to the CRA-64, therefore the book has the duty to put America in 2017 and 2018 in perspective for its readers.
3. Offer hope. Let’s be real. The CRA-64 cannot be repealed without another Civil War. Nobody wants that. So the question should NOT be cast in winner/loser, victim/perpetrator, black/white, dichotomies. Since the audience of the book, I think, is straight white males or conservatives in general, the book should offer ways they cannot just survive but thrive in this de facto constitution. They can litigate. They can vote. They can win. A great book tells people not just why and how we got here, but what they can do to get there.

254 people found this helpful

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MFM

Extremely thought provoking

Reviewed in the United States on January 23, 2020

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I've been wondering for years what the hell is going on with this
country. This book attempts to explain what's happened. It
isn't that the revolution is coming, the revolution has already
occurred. Many people aren't living in the country they think
they are. An extremely thought provoking idea.

140 people found this helpful

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margot

Clinical social history

Reviewed in the United States on January 26, 2020

Given a choice of a hard-copy book, the Kindle version, or the Audible, you should probably pick the "real book." This is a work you want to flip back and forth in, and that's pretty hard with an e-book or audio version. And the Audible version is narrated by the author, whose reading style is lucid enough but rather monotonous. There's a reason why audio books have "star" readers: they are experienced actors who know how to punch-up and modulate as needed.

A few reviewers, in the NYTimes and elsewhere, have engaged in what appears to be a coordinated hit-job on this, misrepresenting it as a right-wing political tract. Somebody even called it "Highbrow Trumpism," whatever that means. What this is, is a social history of the last 50+ years, one that explores a basic thesis that civil-rights legislation, judicial rulings, and enforcement have amounted to a rival Constitution, a body of rules and precedents that are effectively beyond challenge. It's a sound observation, but the author also explores pop-cult fads and trends, political cant, and the various misadventures that shape our modern world.

134 people found this helpful

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BookHawk

Insightful and absorbing

Reviewed in the United States on February 1, 2020

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How did we get to the zero sum civil war of identity politics and tribal conflicts? By a process where minorities highjacked the civil rights laws and judicial tools, according to the author. It’s a formidably researched and informed but very readable and accessible ride. But unsatisfyingly incomplete. Ends before Trump and in one brief observation says reversal requires repeal of the civil rights laws. Come on. Fat chance of that. But I found it a very bracing real.

62 people found this helpful

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a reader from Peoria

Dishonesty

Reviewed in the United States on May 11, 2020

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Caldwell engages in so much dissembling, so much cherry picking and so many lies of omission that I would have to write my own book in order to address them all. Unable to spare the time, I’m going to settle for a single atrocity. In discussing the 2008 financial crisis, Caldwell fails even to MENTION the private, for-profit, mortgage originators who advertised on late-night TV: NO CREDIT/NO PROBLEM. He does not MENTION the many banks (think Chase and J.P. Morgan) who bought up these high-risk mortgages as fast as they could be written. He does not MENTION the banks stuffing these sure-to-eventually-fail mortgages into derivatives called Collateralized Debt Obligation. He does not MENTION the banks bribing credit rating agencies like Moody’s to rate these derivatives AAA so they could be marketed to unsuspecting municipalities. No, the 2008 crash was due entirely to those darn government agencies, Fannie Mae and Freddy Mac, when Congress forced them to issue mortgages to unworthy people of color.
UGH!

39 people found this helpful

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Top reviews from other countries

Dudleydogs Mum

the American dream

Reviewed in the United Kingdom on July 26, 2021

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we all know about the American Dream. Well now read about the American Nightmare.

One person found this helpful

Marlo

Caldwell's Book is the Best Explanation on America's Decline

Reviewed in Canada on January 28, 2020

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I've only finished 150 pages in this book, but the explanations in it are just simply... masterful. I'm 23 years old, a native in North America, who has seen the unfair treatment natives of America (especially in my generation) are experiencing today. It's now safe to say, with the help of this book, that it is objectively horrifying to understand how America was deliberately ruined. The cause? Caldwell explains it as the devastation of the once sacred notions of the United States constitution. By creating a new constitution, business people and politicians or as Trump puts it "The Elites" in America run the nation differently now than they did before the 60's. This book does a brilliant job explaining America's decline, and so far it has blown my mind. Although I love the book, it has made me a bit nihilistic. I wouldn't suggest it to anyone who doesn't have the stomach to understand America's downfall. This book will certainly open up your eyes and I highly recommend reading it.

2 people found this helpful

Jean-Marc Cormier

Grab a copy before the book-burning mob cancels it.

Reviewed in Canada on January 22, 2021

Verified Purchase

Nothing that solid thinkers in the vein of the Founding Fathers and, later, the likes of Friedrich Hayek and Thomas Sowell did not warn us about yet a very solid piece of work that anyone concerned with the progressive dismantling of the foundational values of free societies should read.

Grab a copy before the cancel mob has it censored.

One person found this helpful

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1 1963

The assassination of Kennedy

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Christopher Caldwell

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