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Used - Good: All pages and cover are intact. Spine may show signs of wear. Pages may include limited notes and highlighting. May include "From the library of" labels. Shrink wrap, dust covers, or boxed set case may be missing. Item may be missing bundled media, access codes, and/or accessories. Used - Good: All pages and cover are intact. Spine may show signs of wear. Pages may include limited notes and highlighting. May include "From the library of" labels. Shrink wrap, dust covers, or boxed set case may be missing. Item may be missing bundled media, access codes, and/or accessories. See less

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American Revolutionaries in the Making Paperback – May 1, 1965

by Charles S. Sydnor (Author)

4.4 8 ratings

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From Simon & Schuster, and originally published as Gentlemen Freeholders, American Revolutionaries in the Making is Charles S. Sydnor's exploration of the political practices in Washington's Virginia.

A masterclass in political ideology and a expansive history of the early American colonization, Charles S. Sydnor's American Revolutionaries in the Making tracks the many political strategies and practices in the era of George Washington's Virginia.

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About the Author

Charles S. Sydnor is the author of American Revolutionaries in the Making, a Simon & Schuster book.

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Free Press (May 1, 1965)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Paperback ‏ : ‎ 160 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0029323908
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0029323908
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 2.31 pounds
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 0.4 x 5.5 x 8.43 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #3,744,330 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #5,069 in U.S. Colonial Period History
- #6,857 in U.S. Revolution & Founding History
- #76,006 in U.S. State & Local History

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4.4 8 ratings

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Bardamu
Interesting
Reviewed in the United States on June 13, 2020
I've read other books, such as Bailyn's Ideological Origins, about the political theory of the men who founded the United States. This book concerns their more quotidian experience of government. Specifically, it provides a sketch of what Washington, Jefferson, Madison and others had in their mind when they thought about politics.

The author mentions his purpose in writing the book on page 20:

"The characteristics and manners of voters and candidates, the powers of the important offices and governing bodies of Virginia, the written law and the unwritten code of political behavior - these established a discriminating set of processes that sifted through the whole population, discarding most men while selecting for political preferment those few who are now called the great generation of Virginia"

The author describes the voters, election day, the gentry, the county courts, and the House of Burgesses as early Virginians knew them. Although the specifics here are much different from those of today, we can easily make connections to our own political experience. Sydney gives many (often humorous) examples of the flattery, bribery, violence, and accusations of voter fraud, that we see today.

There are some odd one-star reviews of this book that seem to come from misjudging what this book is; it is not a political treatise. In the final chapter, Sydnor warns against being too eager to adopt the institutions of this earlier time for own.

I enjoyed this book.

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Leonard J. Wilson
Training America's Early Leaders
Reviewed in the United States on August 8, 2004
In American Revolutionaries in the Making, Professor Charles S. Sydnor examines the political structures and processes in Virginia prior to the American Revolution. His goal is to understand how those structures and processes brought forth the large number of highly capable leaders who were key to the formation and leadership of the United States in the revolution and early days of independence: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, Patrick Henry, George Mason, and John Marshall, to name only the most prominent.

Professor Sydnor describes three steps along the pathway to power in colonial and revolutionary Virginia that brought these men to the top:

1. Justice of the Peace: The first public office held by almost all of these men was Justice of the Peace in their home county. This office was quite different from anything in the current age. Each county had from 10 to 30 Justices, who collectively formed the County Court. This court not only heard cases of civil and criminal law but also constituted the primary governing body of the county with executive and legislative as well as judicial powers. Justices were commissioned by the Governor, usually based on nominations from the current members of the Court. The Court was, therefore, a self perpetuating body not directly subject to popular control. The only avenues of recourse open to the public were petition to the Governor or the House of Burgesses, colonial Virginia's elective legislature, to which each county elected two members. The County Courts typically chose their nominees for Justice of the Peace based on talent and promise from aspiring members of the land-owning gentry. Selection was not based on popular opinion, campaign promises, or oratorical skills. Once commissioned, a new Justice embarked on a practical education in all aspects of county government and relations with Governor and House of Burgesses under the guidance of the senior justices.

2. Election to the House of Burgesses: A county's members of the House of Burgesses were the only elected officials of any significance in colonial Virginia. The Governor was appointed by the King (prior to 1776) or by the House of Burgesses (after 1776). The election of Burgesses was democratic, based on the limited franchise of the day: White males who owned a requisite number of acres of land in a county could vote in that county. This qualification led to several results that seem strange today. A man was qualified to vote in every county in which he owned sufficient acreage. However, to exercise his multiple votes, he had to physically present himself at the county seat of each county on election day; the physical demands placed a practical limit on multiple votes. A voter could also seek election in any county in which he could vote, regardless of his residence. George Washington was elected to the House from Frederick County, 50 miles west of his home in Fairfax County. The restriction of the vote to the land-owning gentry appears at first glance to favor the wealthy classes. However, in practice, this restriction denied the vote to the adult sons and employees of the land-owner unless they owned land in their own rights. This practice was intended to, and in fact did, limit the influence of the land-owners. Voting was conducted by public statement of the voter's preference to the county sheriff, usually in the presence of all candidates, who would typically bow and thank voters for their support. Candidates were expected to provide "treats" for voters, consisting of lavish food and drink. However, the "treat" must be open to all voters and not a direct quid pro quo for support. Candidates, by custom, did not directly solicit votes. They stood upon their reputations, which were usually well known by the few hundred voters in the county. Through this electoral process, the voting public exercised their influence over government.

3. Higher Office: Once elected to the House of Burgesses, a new member would be assigned to various committees and to draft documents and speeches. The leadership of the House, the Speaker and Committee Chairmen, thereby gained a sense of the abilities of each member. From 1776 on, the House, guided by its leadership, selected Virginia's governors and representatives to the Continental Congress, Constitutional Convention, and, later, its US senators. Selection for this third career step was based on demonstrated skills in writing, oratory and leadership.

I reread this book after reading Fareed Zakaria's The Future of Freedom, which examines the nature of liberal democracy today (see my review). The political practices in colonial Virginia are clearly not applicable to today's world for two reasons: It would be impossible to base elections on first hand knowledge of the candidates when the populace has grown to its present size and, more importantly, it would require severely restricting the voting franchise. However, it is useful to remember that limited democracy and the multi-leveled selection process which used different criteria at each level, produced an incredibly talented and effective leadership for both Virginia and the early United States. Can we say as much about today's candidates for high office?

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Matthew Wilding
Archaic and ineffective
Reviewed in the United States on November 19, 2008
The second appearance of Sydnor's history, the book was badly renamed "American Revolutionaries in the Making." It's original title, "Gentlemen Freeholders," was much more apt.

Aside from using the word "democracy" consistently when he speaks of republicanism - a forgivable offense given the time period of the work - Sydnor theorizes that American democracy is thoroughly indebted to the aristocratic origins of the Virginian legislature. Further, throughout the work, he continually suggests that an aristocracy is superior to that of universal suffrage.

Sydnor makes the case that America would do well to avoid wider spread democracy, and even makes the case that South Carolina, more democratic in the years leading to the civil war, is a prime example of democracy going haywire. Meanwhile, he completely overlooks the fact that not only does Virginia join the Confederate movement rather quickly, but they produce some of it's most prominent leaders from the very line of aristocracy that he praises.

While he is right that Virginia is a colony turned state governed by great men of privilege, he fails in his mission to prove that only men of privilege can effectively govern. He fails to recognize that "all men are created equal" is not the same as "all men are the same," and this simple omission destroys his narrative.

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