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David Horowitz

The Art of Political War and Other Radical Pursuits Hardcover – July 14, 2000

by David Horowitz (Author)

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—

Politics is war, but in America one side is doing all the shooting-liberals. Shell-shocked conservatives blame their failures on the media or unscrupulous opponents, but they refuse to name the real culprit: themselves. In a new book that will shatter the complacency of establishment conservatives, David Horowitz shows how Bill Clinton's generation, having mastered the art of political war, has spent the last ten years clobbering conservatives in and out of government. The best-selling author of Hating Whitey and Other Progressive Causes has the strategy to fight back.

The Democratic Party's recent electoral dominance is due not to its theft of Republican issues, but to its superior grasp of the nature of political war. Horowitz opens his book with the six principles of politics that liberals understand and conservatives do not. He next warns against the essentially liberal inclination to supervise the lives of a "helpless" citizenry. This "Puritan impulse" promises shipwreck for conservatives who fail to keep liberty as their watchword.

The success of the left is nowhere more evident than in the politics of race. Revisiting a recent controversy in which Time branded him a "real live bigot," Horowitz probes an ugly strain of left-wing racism and reflects on the prospects for true racial justice. He concludes with a profile of the radical mentality-hidden but real-of the American left. In 1972, the bomb-throwers took their battle from the streets into the McGovern campaign and became the activist core of the Democratic Party. A genuine ideological left thus entered the heart of America's political culture.

Once a notorious radical himself, David Horowitz understands the mind of the left better than any other conservative. The Art of Political War is an indispensable guide for the battles of the campaign season and beyond.

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Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

The first half of this manifesto is a blunt, savvy, Machiavellian manual on the art of political campaigning that Republicans and Democrats alike may ignore at their own risk. Horowitz (Radical Son, etc.), former 1960s leftist turned prominent conservative, urges Republicans to go on the offensive, to take back issues that Clinton Democrats have co-opted, to reach out to working people and minorities, and to master images, symbols and sound bites as the Democrats have done. The book's incendiary second half, gathering articles of which many originally appeared in the Internet magazine Salon, reveals Horowitz as an independent, rigorous, outspoken political analyst who nevertheless can sound as dogmatic as a conservative as as he did when he was as a leftist. Horowitz calls Noam Chomsky an "America-loathing crank," advocates an end to "racial preferences" (affirmative action), argues that left-wing activists make up the core of the Democratic party, and castigates teachers' unions as the chief opponents to school reform. Ridiculing the NAACP's class-action lawsuits against gun manufacturers and educational testing firms, he contends that leaders like Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton have betrayed the civil rights movement by promoting a blacks-as-victims mentality and by blaming whites for problems endemic to the black communityAan attitude that he says has been exacerbated by a patronizing liberal establishment. Taking aim at motley supporters of censorshipAIrving Kristol, Andrea Dworkin, Tipper Gore, Catharine MacKinnonAlibertarian Horowitz opposes it in virtually all forms, including the v-chip parents can use to block offending television shows. In one scathing essay he accuses Edward Said, Betty Friedan and Nobel laureate and Guatemalan activist Rigoberta Menchu of falsifying details of their lives to serve their political agendas. (Sept.)
Copyright 2000 Reed Business Information, Inc.

From Library Journal

Written by a self-described former Sixties radical whose previous books (Radical Son, Hating Whitey, and The Politics of Bad Faith) explain his transformation to a libertarian conservative, this anthology of essays is an odd mixture of polemic against the Democratic Party, earnest but simple-minded advice to his new-found Republican Party, and heated airing of his strong, often controversial opinions on flashpoint social and political issues. Horowitz advises his fellow Republicans, whom he describes as "managers who want to fix government," to confront their Democratic adversaries, pejoratively called "missionaries who want to fix the world." He sharply criticizes what he believes is the media's bias against Republicans, federal and state education bureaucrats who siphon off federal funds intended for local use, and supposed Democratic Party softness on crime and national defense. Horowitz gets a lot off his politically incorrect chest, but his intended audienceDmainly Republicans and independentsDmight be put off by his libertarian position on censorship or his pugnacious prose. For medium and large public libraries.DJack Forman, San Diego Mesa Coll. Lib.
Copyright 2000 Reed Business Information, Inc.

ASIN : 1890626287
Publisher : Spence Pub; 1st edition (July 14, 2000)
Language : English
Hardcover : 224 pages
ISBN-10 : 9781890626280
ISBN-13 : 978-1890626280
Item Weight : 1.15 pounds
Dimensions : 9 x 0.75 x 6.25 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #1,563,377 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,138 in Radical Political Thought
- #1,635 in Political Parties (Books)
- #2,783 in General Elections & Political Process

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34 ratings

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A clear voice exposing the Leftist agenda

Reviewed in the United States on January 1, 2018

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It is a shame that those on the LEFT and particularly young people aren't being given equal exposure to the other side of the political spectrum and how it came to be and what its goals are. Horowitz's books are educational and a bit scary to see what is taking place below the surface of our government.

4 people found this helpful

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Nick San Mauro

Effective Strategy Based On Cogent Analysis

Reviewed in the United States on December 14, 2012

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This book was written 12 years ago and one would think at least a few Republicans, especially candidates and campaign managers, would have taken its lessons to heart. Sadly it seems not. Republicans campaign as if they are merely participating in a debating society practice session.

David Horowitz has done more than any other ex-Leftist I can think of, or anyone else for that matter, to educate middle America about the real world strategies and tactics employed by the Left and the Democratic Party: To them politics is war by other means. To a former Leftist like Horowitz, and even an ex-Leftist union organizer like myself, it is obvious today's Democratic Party no longer understands the value and effectiveness of capitalism but seeks to hamstring it, if not destroy it altogether. Nor does it understand the necessity for a Constitution guaranteeing absolute rights for the individual. A "Living Constitution" is a euphemism for the rule of the many by the few, by a self-anointed (to borrow a phrase from Thomas Sowell) few elitists who KNOW what is best for the masses.

5 people found this helpful

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Kendal Brian Hunter

Manifesto, Message, Mandate

Reviewed in the United States on November 3, 2001

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"A virtue when pressed to the extreme may turn into a vice. Unreasonable devotion to an ideal, without considering the practical application of it, ruins the ideal itself."--Dr. Boyd K. Packer
This book is somewhere between a MANIFESTO; a "how-to" article on political action and expressing your MESSAGE; and a radon-alarm blazing in the night calling on conservatives to claim their MANDATE from the people to act.
This book is divide into five parts.
Part I, "The Art of Political War," is a wake-up call to conservatives that they need to "play the game of politics better." You cannot enact your agenda if you are not in power-end of discussion! He wisely points out that our target demographic is not other conservatives, or our hard-core members, but the undecided. And that we have to speak the language of these undecided constituent. The medium we have to deal with, especially the thirty-second sound-bite. In addition, he encourages us to be more viral and robust in standing for what we believe. This section is a must for anyone who wants to win an election. If you would rather sit on the side and complain and feel good about yourself in your idleness, then this section is not for you.
Part II deals with the censorship issue and what happens when conservatives allow censorship.
Part III is called "Hating Whitey," and being Caucasian myself, I don't mind the phrase. In the essays, Mr. Horowitz pulls upon his associations with the Black Panthers to explain why the racial dialogue is so stymied today, and how the militant black have co-opted Dr. King's peaceful dream.
Tangentially speaking, I am also of Irish decent (Carmony), and am not offended by Notre Dame's Logo, or as a Latter-day Saint, by the mascot of New Orleans football team, nor as a decedent of Danes am I offended by Minnesota's mascot, or as a Scot (Clan McBride), do I take umbrage to the "Scrooge McDuck" or "Groundskeeper Willie" stereotypes!
Part IV discusses the over-all culture war and radical pursuits of the left, its origins in academia and how the militant radical sustain their '60's agenda even today.
Part V contains personal essays about how the death of his associate at the hands of the Black Panthers led to his eventual disillusionment with the radical left. His turn-around had been so complete he has guest-hosted Limbaugh's radio program.
I admire people for their ideas, not their past, or skin color, or place of origin. So I can revel in an Abraham Lincoln as well as a Ravi Zacharias. It is ideas, not the man that concerns me!
Stylistically, Mr. Horowitz has a gift for writing, what I call "transparent text." His words and syntax do not get in the way of the message. Orson Scott Card and Octavia Butler have this ability; it is almost a mystical experience to read the writing of someone who has this talent. I sure don't have this ability.
David has the ability to speak to the heart-- the heart of an issue and the heart of the hearer. It is an ability to "make flesh" many of the "words" we have felt and believe. And is not that the job of any truth-teller?
CONCLUSION: In writing this, I realize that I will be judged not on the quality or content of the book or my feeble review, but on Mr. Horowitz's politics and my politics. So be it. Truth will not only prevail, but will grow shiny in use.

12 people found this helpful

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Martin Asiner

War Is Indeed an Art

Reviewed in the United States on March 29, 2009

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When David Horowitz was a young man, he believed that socialism was the wave of the future. Imperceptibly, he began to change and by the mid 1980s, he found himself on the opposite side. In THE ART OF WAR, he details how his erstwhile comrades have managed to pull off some stunning upsets, including the greatest presidential hijacking of all time, the election of Barack Obama in 2008. When this book was first written, Bill Clinton was still in office, but the techniques that he used were very much the same that would be used nearly a decade later by one who learned very well how to win the rough and tumble of corrupt Chicago politics. The difference between Clinton/Obama and any high ranking Republican is the same difference in world view between the Democratic and Republican Party. Republicans, Horowitz notes are cerebral, straightforward, and convinced that small government mixed with low taxes is the way to prosperity. Democrats, he adds, are less interested in prosperity than in advancing a social agenda. As long as this agenda is realized, then no price--including national security or economic prosperity--is too high to pay. The first half of THE ART OF WAR is a primer on Machiavellian tactics in How To Win. Horowitz suggests that the greatest advantage that Democrats have is that they patiently learn from mistakes. When they see that the tempo and mood of the American people involve a platform that is pro-Republican, they dress up their rhetoric to simulate what America wants, and then proceed to do the opposite. An almost equal advantage of the left is that Republicans never seem to learn how to get down dirty and Play To Win. When Horowitz comments that Democrats know how to hide any sin under a facade of appealing to the Little Guy, he jabs his finger at the root cause of recent Republican political ineptitude. As soon as the right succeeds in forcing public opinion on poor student performance, welfare dependency, urban crime, social security inequities (all of which have been under the sole control of the left since 1960), then Democrats will be in the unfamiliar and uncomfortable position of having to defend the indefensible.

THE ART OF POLITICAL WAR is subtitled: "And Other Radical Pursuts." In many of Horowitz's recent books, he prefers to leave the second half of each book to pursue areas that relate to his animus against the very people and ideology that he used to call home. He explores trends that the left refuses to address and when critics like Horowitz raises these forbidden topics, the left responds with vituperation by calling him racist, traitor, homophobe, and the like. As he discusses these issues, it becomes clear that the claims of the left are as evanescent and as airy as vapor. Just one example: Democrats suggest that guns kill people; hence strong gun control is a must. Horowitz counters that the finger pulling the trigger is the culprit, but to say that is to open the can of worms that race complicates the calculus of gun ownership versus the person pulling the trigger. Horowitz writes that it is illogical to blame the gun industry for the sociopathic tendencies of the user. As one reads of collateral issues like this, one can see that the chasm between left and right is vast and that this vastness has not stopped Democrats from claiming the moral high ground and until the right begins to refute such specious claims, then the United States will continue to elect future socialist leaders to run this country. Horowitz has written THE ART OF POLITICAL WAR to avoid that unhappy fate.

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