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The Art of Sanctions: A View from the Field (Center on Global Energy Policy Series) Hardcover – December 12, 2017
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Nephew--a leader in the design and implementation of sanctions on Iran--develops guidelines for interpreting targets' responses to sanctions based on two critical factors: pain and resolve. The efficacy of sanctions lies in the application of pain against a target, but targets may have significant resolve to resist, tolerate, or overcome this pain. Understanding the interplay of pain and resolve is central to using sanctions successfully and humanely. With attention to these two key variables, and to how they change over the course of the sanctions regime, policy makers can pinpoint when diplomatic intervention is likely to succeed or when escalation is necessary. Focusing on lessons from sanctions on both Iran and Iraq, Nephew provides policy makers with practical guidance on how to measure and respond to pain and resolve in the service of strong and successful sanctions regimes.
- Print length232 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherColumbia University Press
- Publication dateDecember 12, 2017
- Dimensions6.1 x 0.9 x 9.1 inches
- ISBN-100231180268
- ISBN-13978-0231180269
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Editorial Reviews
Review
Sanctions have become a hot policy tool and Richard Nephew―a key sanctions policy practitioner during the Obama administration―has written a masterful insider's how-to guide. Those dealing with or worried about North Korea, Russia, or Iran would do well to learn lessons from The Art of Sanctions. -- Daniel Fried, former U.S. State Department coordinator for sanctions policy, and distinguished fellow, Atlantic Council
Drawing on his firsthand experience as a senior U.S. policymaker and negotiator, Nephew provides an essential user’s guide to the development and implementation of sanctions, an increasingly vital tool of U.S. statecraft. A must-read for officials and outside experts dealing with North Korea, Iran, Russia, and other pressing national security challenges. -- Robert Einhorn, former senior advisor for nonproliferation and arms control at the U.S. State Department and senior fellow at the Brookings Institution
Richard Nephew's excellent book provides a basic framework for effectively employing sanctions. It makes a very important contribution to our understanding of how to use these tools―particularly from a practitioner's perspective. -- Eric B. Lorber, Financial Integrity Network
Nephew draws on his experiences at the U.S. Department of State as deputy coordinator for sanctions policy to provide anecdotes about the U.S. experience applying sanctions on Iran and Iraq, which help illustrate his framework and make for an entertaining read. ― Arms Control Today
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Columbia University Press; Illustrated edition (December 12, 2017)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 232 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0231180268
- ISBN-13 : 978-0231180269
- Item Weight : 1 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.1 x 0.9 x 9.1 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #685,688 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #507 in Political Economy
- #654 in International Economics (Books)
- #1,201 in Economic Conditions (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Richard Nephew is a Senior Research Scholar at the Center on Global Energy Policy and Adjunct Professor at Columbia University’s School for International and Public Affairs.
Nephew has worked in the U.S. government for most of his career. In 2021, he served as the Deputy U.S. Special Envoy for Iran. From 2013-2015, he served as Principal Deputy Coordinator for Sanctions Policy at the Department of State. Nephew also served as the lead sanctions expert for the U.S. team negotiating with Iran, starting with the private channel talks in August 2013. From May 2011 to January 2013, Nephew served as the Director for Iran on the National Security Council staff at the White House. Earlier in his career he served in the Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation at the State Department and in the Office of Nonproliferation and International Security at the Department of Energy.
Nephew as a non-resident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution from 2015-2021.
Nephew holds a Masters in Security Policy Studies and a Bachelors in International Affairs, both from The George Washington University. He is married with three children.
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Sanctions have a notorious perception of being ineffective as a diplomatic tool. The United States completely blocked Cuban imports and exports but Cuba continued on its path because of support from the USSR and other non-aligned countries and even American allies. For Americans wanting Cuban products, it was a simple trip to Canada or Mexico. Vietnam also fell into this category. Sanctions were and are seen as a failure in Iraq and Iran. Can sanctions be effective in despite apparent string of failures?
Nephew discusses Iraq as the start of his study. Sanctions are meant to cause pain to encourage change. Once the change is implemented the sanctions disappear or are replaced with aid. The problem with dictatorial countries like Iraq, North Korea, and Cuba is that there is no force of change in the country. Sanctions are applied and the corrupt and higher ups still have all they need. The people in general suffer. That suffering is often used as fuel by the local government. It is not the people's leaders who are making them suffer, it is the US (and or the West). In Cuba, bad times were often off set with rallies condemning the US. North Korea is so closed off that its people believe they have the second best economy, next to China. Also put forth is the belief that the US lost the Korean War and the food aid being sent to North Korea is actually war reparations.
In Iraq, the government was deeply entrenched and the opposition was usually imprisoned or executed. Hussein was not a rational player on the world stage. This made it difficult to pressure any change. Twice he went to war against his neighbors and was at a loss of allies which eventually allowed military intervention, twice. Nephews next turns to Iran which despite the US claim of being a rogue state, does, for the most part, act as a rational player. It has relations with 97 nations compared to North Korea's 24 nations with full diplomatic relations. Iran's nuclear program is an issue and a nuclear armed Iran is considered unacceptable by the US. Interesting to note that under the Shah the nuclear program was acceptable. Iran tends to better listen to the world than Iraq and other countries. Its people do have limited choice in the local and national elections. Blindly believing in the Western Devil has faded and there has been a rise in materialism. The massive death toll of the Iran- Iraq War still leaves a bitter taste in the population when the idea of war becomes the topic. Iran can be persuaded with sanctions as long as they are effective. However, the US ban on importing gasoline only lead to Iran developing and expanding its oil distillation infrastructure.
North Korea is the last main player (aside from Russia). With a shared border and a strong protectorship with China, sanctions prove difficult. Although ships heading in and out of North Korea may be searched and checked, only China can control its border with North Korea which provides a gaping hole in any economic sanction. North Korea also knows that there is little the US can do militarily. Seoul is only 35 miles south of the border and provides a more than adequate hostage being well with in range of conventional and nuclear forces. North Korea's missile flights over Japan also demonstrate another potential hostage in a military conflict.
Nephew examines the use of sanctions in the past and present while offering options of the future sanctions with Iran, North Korea, and Russia. He recognizes sanctions can be effective if correctly used. That becomes the main focus of this work, how and which sanctions are effective. The difficulty of correctly administering sanctions in an effective way. Varying alliances and the difficulty to get countries to commit are always problems. Corruption of the local governments prevent sanctions from being evenly distributed and autocratic governments can reflect the blame back onto the countries administering the sanctions. Sanctions, however, do and can be a successful alternative to military action. The problem remains in the execution. Nephew does an outstanding job at describing the problems and benefits of sanctions in today's world. Very well done
Available December 19, 2017
The reviewer also holds an MA in International Relations, Security Policy.
Top reviews from other countries
Beyond the explanation of they key concepts of Pain and Resolve, and a basic model for applying sanctions, it really doesn't go into much depth at all. The sample size is very small, and even then there's not much detail on the area that Nephew spent his time working on. There's too much filler in this book; and Nephew seemed surprised that nations act in ways that they have always acted when threatened.
I would have been more interested in the US efforts in designing and enforcing sanctions. We know full-well that the US expended an awful lot of effort building the sanctions regime on Iran; and it would been nice to see more detail on that. Instead we got the bare minimum i.e. we targeted the Iranian transport sector.
Sanctions are a weapon: an instrument of pain; not just on Iran, but also nations that were forced / pressured to give up their dealings with Iran. We got little to no insight into that in this book. Instead we got treated to a puff-piece on sanctions application with an American slant that fails to recognise that the unilateral use of sanctions is bully-boy behaviour. The fact that Iraq and the build-up to the Iran sanctions effort coincided with a weak Russia and China is not recognised at all. What happens to sanctions when other "options" are available? There's also no discussion of what happens when sanctions are abused i.e. applied to achieve foreign policy objectives or even trade objectives - as the current US tariffs push is showing. Will the weaponisation of the US financial system lead to efforts to negate and erode this power i.e. reduce reliance on the dollar.
The conclusion is also nonsense and disconnected from the main theme of the book.
It's pretty sad because i've liked Nephew's articles and tweets on this issue, and this should have been so much better.








