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Bad Money: Reckless Finance, Failed Politics, and the Global Crisis of American Capitalism Hardcover – April 15, 2008
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- Print length256 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherViking
- Publication dateApril 15, 2008
- Dimensions6.25 x 0.75 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-100670019070
- ISBN-13978-0670019076
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-Alan Brinkley, The New York Times
"An indispensable presentation of the case against things as they are."
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"Sobering . . . positively alarming."
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- Publisher : Viking (April 15, 2008)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 256 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0670019070
- ISBN-13 : 978-0670019076
- Item Weight : 1 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.25 x 0.75 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,818,059 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,839 in Economic Policy & Development (Books)
- #2,160 in United States National Government
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The deep frame of Bad Money is the warning that utopian illusions can emerge (and have) in America from the right side of the political spectrum as well as the left, which is where most of our 20th century political dialogue had preferred to locate the threats. Phillips has previously described his 1960's views of the excesses of the left of that era. Now he is horrified at some of his own progeny on the Right and what they have wrought, especially in the realm of the American economy. He lays it out directly in the Preface entitled The Political Economics of Deception: "The most worrisome thing about the vulnerability of the US economy circa 2008 is the extent of official understatement and misstatement - the preference for minimizing how many problems there are and how interconnected they are."
Like all exercises in self-examination, this is a difficult undertaking about a nation which emerged towards the end of its "American Century" as the world's only superpower, and one which has seen itself as a "City Upon a Hill" and has to carry the additional burden of "American Exceptionalism,' which tends to get in the way a bit of a searching national dialogue - especially in a presidential election year, and even one in which large majorities poll that we have gotten seriously "off track." Phillips details just how far we have gotten off track, picking up and expanding upon the final section of American Theocracy, called "Borrowed Prosperity." It seems he wasn't going to write another book for the 2008 election - but the deepening financial crisis of 2007 and a head-in-the-sand attitude by officialdom led him to do it. And I'm glad he did.
He is a patriot in the best sense of the term...not pugnaciously posing as the Patton of market fundamentalism/nationalism, like Larry Kudlow on CNBC, but rather as the prophetic author of Staying on Top: The Business Case for a National Industrial Strategy (1984). That title tells you a lot about what has gone wrong as the FIRE sector (Finance, Insurance, Real Estate) has displaced manufacturing as the leading node of our economy. If it was on a sound footing, we might not be singing the blues, and worse, today. But it's not. Instead, what has emerged is called the "shadow banking system," or the "financial Wild West," or a "liquidity factory," much of it "over the counter" and off the bank's books, unregulated or casually regulated at best. The mortgage crisis, then, was no mere random walk of fate: "Lenders needed to woo high risk borrowers for the good commercial reason that there weren't enough low-risk borrowers to meet the volume demanded by the big commercial banks, investment firms, and other packagers, all pursuing the lucrative fees." So much for the old term "conservative as a banker," now surely one of the great oxymorons of the English language.
While much of the conservative establishment, and a good portion of the Democratic Party as well have wanted us all to obsess over the national debt and federal deficit - public debt - Phillips points out that it is really the frightening growth of private debt - personal and institutional - that is the real problem, having grown from $11 trillion to $48 trillion between 1987-2007. Phillips comments that "`Risky' doesn't begin to describe this new focus in the American economy. Bingeing on debt is reckless, and financialization has a long record of being an unhealthy late stage in the trajectory of previous leading world economic powers." The disturbing thought that "American Exceptionalism" might be subject to the same deep historical forces at work for Spain, the Dutch and the British Empire is necessary but tricky ground to navigate - try calling that notion in to Rush Limbaugh on some slow afternoon at the Credit Default Swap trading desk.
Phillips believes that both parties have testified for this sector as the very essence of the market at work, treating it, in reality, as the key American "mercantilist" sector in the globalization race - one to be bailed out officially or otherwise, whenever it gets into trouble, which is often and expensive, although the market fundamentalists cannot bear to hear it described this way. Here's the vintage Phillips' prose to give you the picture, heading into 2008: "These are not circumstances in which a nation should put faith in an overgrown and overextended financial sector, with its bankrupt mortgage lenders, hotshot hedge funds, and reckless megabanks, several of which (fined years back for colluding with a scheming Enron) wouldn't know a civic obligation from a parking ticket."
The burdens of civic obligation, however, don't fall just on the financial instrument "factories," which are variously described as reckless, malfeasant, dishonest, incompetent and negligent, to give the range of Phillips' wrath. Civic burdens also fall on the citizens' shoulders, a refreshing notion in an election year where families are invariably described as "hard working." He pointedly contrasts the level of economic literacy during the 1890's agrarian Populist Revolt of the south and west, when "periodicals like the National Economist had a hundred thousand subscribers...Compared to early-twenty-first-century torpor and lack of financial debate, the nineteenth-century agrarian civic engagement had an almost Fourth of July quality." Despite all the alarming ingredients being tossed into what would become a witches-brew of financial trouble between 1987-2008, he says these regions of former Populist discontent have been "anesthetized...The principle ethers at work were evangelical, fundamentalist and Pentecostal Christianity, infused with preoccupation with terrorism, evil and Islam that greatly strengthened after September 11." Also noted is the rise of the "Prosperity Gospel" (the religious cousin of the more secular "miracle of the market") among many of the most prolific new churches and its kinship to the religious/prosperity fervor of the Roaring Twenties - and we all know what followed after that.
American consumers scratching their heads in the spring of 2008 over the glaring contrast between the rising prices they face in everyday life and the more soothing reports of the official Consumer Price Index would do well to chew a bit more on that savory title from the Preface - The Political Economics of Deception. The reader is rewarded with a tour of the origins of fiddling with the CPI constituent parts and definitions - and of the possible motives, focused on keeping Social Security and labor COLA clauses down. We learn about one critic - and the critics are growing in number - John Williams, whose work at ShadowStats.com leads to the conclusion that if 1990 CPI methodology were used today, "the government would have been reporting 5 to 7 percent inflation between 2005 and 2007...instead of...2 to 4 percent." It would be enough to have brought the economy close to recession - that's the magnitude hinted at with the difference in these numbers. We also learn that in March 2006, the Federal Reserve dropped "M3," perhaps our best indicator of the overall money supply, and one that would better measure what was going on in those secretive liquidity factories, with the notation from our author that "for 2007, M3 numbers show runaway inflation in the annual range of 14%." No wonder so many of Milton Friedman's remaining disciples are fuming.
And that brings us to Phillips' treatment of the "Plunge Protection Team's" alleged intervention into the futures' indexes to stabilize the stock market at times of extreme turmoil. (A cautionary note here: any consideration of the resemblance between this line of inquiry and the plot line of "The Wizard of Oz", where Dorothy learns that behind the curtain is... hereby formally deferred to a later time...). It was founded in 1988 by Reagan's presidential proclamation as the President's Working Group on Financial Markets. He's doubtful we'll ever get official recognition if indeed these actions happened, due to the lawsuits such a confession might trigger. And, after all, a tactic like this can be financial death to those shorting the market - and also acknowledgment that things are worse than they seem and the "free market" far more dependent on government intervention than market utopians would ever be comfortable with. Phillips disclaims that "I have no personal firsthand knowledge and am not interested in becoming a conspiracy investigator." But he does look closely at the possibility that the team more broadly represents a commitment to a sector too important to fail, worthy of the grandest stretches in existing policy instruments - witness the ground covered by Fed. Chairman Bernanke in the rescue efforts of March 2008. He notes, glumly, that our manufacturing sector received no such considerations of magnitude or imagination during the decades of its long deathwatch.
This review will close with a call to pay close attention to a worry Phillips broaches in Chapter 5, "Peak Oil." This call comes in May, 2008 with oil prices hovering near $125 a barrel, prices which are mesmerizing a nation still stuck on overseas sources. Please consider Phillips' long track record of accurately anticipating our troubles, and listen carefully to the background drumbeat of many not too subtle administration voices pointing to the evil Iran has in store for us and others in the Middle East. It's a time to ponder Phillips' warning: "Political imperatives being what they are, the temptation of conservative civilian leaders in the United States to pursue oil-related military action against targets like Iran is easy to understand...The tinder is almost perfect for a war or military strike rooted in the frustration of a great power in decline."
There is no surer way to usher in the specter of 1929-1933 than to head down this oil strewn path, with all due respect to the powers, real or imagined, of the Plunge Protection Team. By clearly naming the threat, let us all hope we can head it off.
William R. Neil
May 12, 2008
Reading Phillips' books, I often get the feeling that I have walked
into a classroom where the professor is delivering his third lecture on
the subject and I must scramble to follow what he is saying. Bad Money is
no exception. I wish his editor(s) had pushed him to put in a few well
laid out examples that would endable the reader to properly understand
just what a CDO or an SIV actually consist of, how they function, how
they're handled in the marketplace and so on. Again, this is not an
easy read.
That said, however, the points Phillips makes are well backed up in
economic analysis and facts, and in historical relevance, both of which
areas Phillips is intimately familiar with. He is sounding an alarm to
anyone willing to listen, and what he lays out in this book is very
disturbing to anyone who has noticed the growing chaos in our financial
markets, the rising insecurity of our economic situation, and the
seeming inability and unwillingness of our political leadership to deal
with these growing problems.
The preface, with its subtitle "The Political Economics of Deception",
starts with these paragraphs that lay out in startling clarity the
central concern of the book:
"The most worrisome thing about the vulnerability of the U.S economy
circa 2008 is the extent of official understatement and misstatement --
the preference for minimizing how many problems there are and how
interconnected they are... Whether the U.S. government and the
Republican and Democratic parties can remedy the debt and oil-related
transformations of the last two or three decades is dubious enough. Far
more worrisome is the possibility that neither Washington nor Wall
Street is willing to confront the deeper problem -- the ascendancy of
finance in national policymaking (as well as in the gross domestic
product), and the complicity of politicians who really don't want to
talk about it."
One important point Phillips makes is one people can instinctively
relate to: the debasement of government statistics. People know from
their daily lives that the economy is not good, that prices of almost
everything are on the rise, that jobs are harder to come by, and that
overall, things just aren't as good as they once were. But at the same
time, the government keeps insisting that unemployment and inflation
are low and that the economy is growing, citing figures that people
can't reconcile with what they're experiencing every day. The reason is
because the numbers have been cooked to support the government's claims
and no longer represent any meaningful measure of the things they are
supposed to relate to. And the numbers they can't cook, they suppress.
For example:
"Beginning in March 2006, the new Fed chairman, Ben Bernanke, ordered
that the government cease publishing data on changes in the broadest
measurement of the U.S. money supply, the so-called M3. It was
expanding at a 10-12 percent annual rate in 2006; outsiders calculated
that as of August 2007, that growth had accelerated to a high-powered
14 percent.... Continued publication of M3 reports would have undercut
the assertion of Bernanke... that the inflationary expectations of the
public had been safely 'anchored' at a low level by the tame core
CPI... For 2007, the U.S. M3 numbers show runaway inflation in the
annual range of 14 percent."
Another point Phillips makes in the book is that our growing financial
problems are compounded by our energy and political problems:
"the prior eminence of the United states in global petroleum matters
has left not only an outdated infrasturcture but a spectrum of
disabilities, unwarranted smugness, vested interests, and booby traps.
These range from currency vulnerabilities and lack of a serious
national energy strategy to apparent policy inertia in Washgton, where
many officeholders seem unable to understand how much has changed for
the United States over the last decade."
Other warnings include the rise of oil consumption by countries like
China and India and the extent to which oil-producing countries are
already re-directing their output towards those markets.
"In the wake of the unpopular U.S. invasion of Iraq, the Saudis showed
their displeasure... continuing to reduce oil sales to the United
States... after peaking at the equivalent of 1.7 million barrels per
day in 2002, Saudi sales to the United States fell to 1.1 million
barrels per day in May 2004... China soon jumped ahead of the United
States in oil exports from the Saudi kingdom... the demand for oil in
China alone will, before long, equal the entire production of Saudi
Arabia... China stands to be the world's largest oil market of the
2030's, possibly replacing the United States in that capacity by 2025."
Phillips also touches on why the political leadership seems both unable
and unwilling to deal with the array of problems the country is facing
and shows how this same deadly political inertia has afflicted other
great powers in history, citing examples from the Spanish, Dutch and
British economic empires that preceded our American economic empire.
The comparisons are fascinating and disturbing at the same time.
Again, in looking at what I have written, I know that I have barely
scratched the surface of all there is in this book that merits being
read. All I can do is urge anyone who wants to understand why the
economy seems to be in such bad shape, why the government figures seem
to be so contradictory with what is happening, and why our political
leaders seem neither willing nor able to deal with the problems, this
is the best book you can possibly read and the time to read it is
_now_, before the election, so you can see through the utterly
meaningless drivel that politicians are putting out instead of talking about the very real problems we're facing, about what our options - however painful - are, and about what the consequences to us as as nation are if we continue to do nothing.



