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Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era First Edition
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James McPherson's fast-paced narrative fully integrates the political, social, and military events that crowded the two decades from the outbreak of one war in Mexico to the ending of another at Appomattox. Packed with drama and analytical insight, the book vividly recounts the momentous episodes that preceded the Civil War--the Dred Scott decision, the Lincoln-Douglas debates, John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry--and then moves into a masterful chronicle of the war itself--the battles, the strategic maneuvering on both sides, the politics, and the personalities. Particularly notable are McPherson's new views on such matters as the slavery expansion issue in the 1850s, the origins of the Republican Party, the causes of secession, internal dissent and anti-war opposition in the North and the South, and the reasons for the Union's victory.
The book's title refers to the sentiments that informed both the Northern and Southern views of the conflict: the South seceded in the name of that freedom of self-determination and self-government for which their fathers had fought in 1776, while the North stood fast in defense of the Union founded by those fathers as the bulwark of American liberty. Eventually, the North had to grapple with the underlying cause of the war--slavery--and adopt a policy of emancipation as a second war aim. This "new birth of freedom," as Lincoln called it, constitutes the proudest legacy of America's bloodiest conflict.
This authoritative volume makes sense of that vast and confusing "second American Revolution" we call the Civil War, a war that transformed a nation and expanded our heritage of liberty.
- ISBN-10019516895X
- ISBN-13978-0195168952
- EditionFirst Edition
- PublisherOxford University Press
- Publication dateDecember 11, 2003
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions9.2 x 6.1 x 1.8 inches
- Print length909 pages
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Editorial Reviews
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"Deftly coordinated, gracefully composed, charitably argued and suspensefully paid out, McPherson's book is just the compass of the tumultuous middle years of the 19th century it was intended to be, and as narrative history it is surpassing. Bright with details and fresh quotations, solid with carefully-arrived-at conclusions, it must surely be, of the 50,000 books written on the Civil War, the finest compression of that national paroxysm ever fitted between two covers."--Los Angeles Times Book Review
"Immediately takes its place as the best one-volume history of the coming of the American Civil War and the war itself. It is a superb narrative history, elegantly written.--The Philadelphia Inquirer
"Matchless.... The book's political and economic discussions are as engrossing as the descriptions of military campaigns and personalities."--Library Journal
"McPherson cements his reputation as one of the finest Civil War historians.... Should become a standard general history of the Civil War period--it's one that will stand up for years to come."--Kirkus Reviews
"Robust, glittering history."--ALA Booklist
"The best one-volume treatment of [the Civil War era] I have ever come across. It may actually be the best ever published.... I was swept away, feeling as if I had never heard the saga before.... Omitting nothing important, whether military, political, or economic, he yet manages to make everything he touches drive the narrative forward. This is historical writing of the highest order."--Hugh Brogan, The New York Times Book Review
"The finest single volume on the war and its background."--The Washington Post Book World
"There is no finer one-volume history of the Civil War than Jim's book. I certainly will adopt it again when I teach my Honors course next time. The students found the book well organized and instructive in the way events were presented."--George Rolleston, Baldwin-Wallace College
About the Author
James M. McPherson is Edwards Professor of American History at Princeton University. His books include The Struggle for Equality, Marching Toward Freedom, and Ordeal by Fire.
Product details
- Publisher : Oxford University Press; First Edition (December 11, 2003)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 909 pages
- ISBN-10 : 019516895X
- ISBN-13 : 978-0195168952
- Lexile measure : 1320L
- Item Weight : 2.02 pounds
- Dimensions : 9.2 x 6.1 x 1.8 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #17,880 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2 in Military History (Books)
- #10 in United States History (Books)
- #20 in U.S. Civil War History
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About the author

James M. McPherson is the George Henry Davis '86 Professor of History Emeritus at Princeton University. He has published numerous volumes on the Civil War, including the Pulitzer Prize-winning Battle Cry of Freedom, Crossroads of Freedom (which was a New York Times bestseller), Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution, and For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War, which won the Lincoln Prize.
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When it comes to Civil War History, James McPherson is considered an expert, one of the top in the field, and for good reason. The early to mid-1800's in the United States is one of the most complicated periods in our History to cover, mainly because there was such widespread change at a rapid pace. It boggles the mind the things a good Historian must both juggle and analyze to give one a good picture and interpretation of the period. One cannot emphasize enough just how numerous and complicated the variables were to adequately discuss this period.
In looking at the entire period, and in going into depth with the interplay of some very profound concepts, it can be argued that James McPherson has very few equals. He talks about the Industrial Revolution and its myriad effects on the free labor/slaveocracy of American life. He talks about the transportation revolution, and how the railway sped up travel in so many ways and the reverberations and consequences of the ways a number of transportation mediums changed things. He talks about the evolving banking system, and the way that played out in the culture. He talks about the expansion West, and all of the profound, nuanced and potent political questions that were raised, the arguments going back and forth, blowing in winds of change on all fronts. Central to this discussion are the outcome and consequences of The Mexican War. He compares the overall Northern culture to the Southern culture, comparing and contrasting how all of that affected The War. He talks about certain important works of art, and their effect on the coming Civil War.
Then once the War actually starts, McPherson has his index finger on the pulse of the military strategy of the War, capably explaining all of the strengths and weaknesses of the major leaders of the War and describing how those characteristics played out on the battlefield. He is quite keen in vividly describing the weaknesses of a succession of leading Union Commanders, who almost to a man, seemed to be frozen with awestruck fear of Robert E. Lee. That is until one U.S. Grant appears on the scene. One can make a great case that Union General George B. McClellan should have been tried and convicted of Treason, since it becomes painfully clear in this book that his negligence, or downright refusal, to act proactively in prosecuting the War probably led to countless numbers of deaths on both sides by prolonging the Contest. The strategies, terrain and other physical features of the various battlefields, both the military and political importance, along with all of the variable factors leading to outcomes of all of the major battles of the War are laid out by McPherson so that the reader can see the evolution and vicissitudes of the War, over the 4 years of its existence. It gives one some understanding of how things wound up as they did. I am not sure McPherson could have done a better job with all of this. I would argue that in terms of its overall comprehensiveness, this book may incorporate one of the widest scopes, and have one of the the most intricate and involved analysis of the Civil War that has ever been written.
But, despite its wide scope of analysis, there is a fundamental, and almost humorously elementary phenomenon that spills a gigantic, problematic, figurative, blotched, red ink stain all over this work. The reader will have to grant me some psychology to understand where I am headed.
Throughout the entire History of America, there has been a wacky, bizarre, blind denial among many White people, as a general concept, in regards to African-Americans. There is an inability by many White people to comprehend, to truly grasp and to acknowledge the depth, acuity, penetration, perspicuity and sagacity of African-American intelligence, even when multiple forms of objective evidence confirms it. This White blind denial is usually accompanied by a condescending, narcissistic, arrogant belittling of African-American intelligence, so much so that it is too blind to grasp that African-Americans see it. It's bizarre because, from the eyes of the confronted African-American, it looks as if the White person is being deliberately obtuse. The White person comes off as looking totally stupid because the African-American “gets it” that the White person truly does not grasp the African-American's genuine intelligence. This blanket, blind denial of many White Americans towards African-American intelligence and reality, lies at the heart of Ralph Ellison's novel “Invisible Man,” for that is exactly the feeling African-Americans are left with by White people exhibiting this blind denial—that we are basically invisible. These White people who are lost in their blind denial seem to suffer some kind of psychological malady, as if their whole being would vanish and disappear if they simply acknowledged and respected the objective intelligence of African-Americans. It is even more complicated when an African-American realizes that this blind denial of White people has nothing to do with IQ and intelligence, for African-Americans have seen this bizarre blind denial in some of the most “intelligent” White people. White people who suffer from this blind denial also have a problem in giving credit to African-Americans for our accomplishments, often finding ways “to steal away” credit that rightly belongs to us, only to redirect it to some White person. White people with this blind denial have problems giving credit to African-Americans because their minds rebell at the notion of accepting the independent intelligence of African-Americans, since they can't wrap their minds around the idea of Black people having the capacity of penetrating insights. Since White people with this blind denial cannot accept that we have the mental capability to perform at high levels, it follows that they are often in denial in acknowledging African-American agency as it flows from an analysis of reality as seen through African-American eyes. Let's start by taking the concept of Slave Insurrections.
A human being would have to search far and wide to find a group of people more violated anywhere in the World, as a distinct group, than African-Americans have been, from the time of Slavery until now. The people providing this violation have been White Americans. As African-Americans, we had our ancestors kidnapped in Africa by White people, herded like animals into the hulls of slave ships, chained one-to-another and packed like sardines for the long voyage of The Middle Passage. As we suffered through sleeping in hulls of ships, chained one to another in our own urine, defecation, mucus and vomit, we wondered what Hell was waiting for us once the ships got to where they were going, if indeed we survived the voyage. We would watch as fellow Africans, who had gotten really sick and died during the voyage were simply thrown overboard by the White overseers, with an estimated millions of us being thrown overboard like worthless meat. Yes, you read that correctly. Millions of us.
The women amongst us suffered rapes and all kinds of sexual mistreatment at the hands of White men. When the ships finally made their way to these shores, the brutality continued, with us working from sunlight to sundown, only to see White people enrich themselves from our stolen labor. The same incessant violence that existed on the ships, the rapes, the mangling and the brutality continued once we got here. White people stood over us, brandishing whips if we did not work to their satisfaction. We were whipped and physically mangled for all sorts of things, with our limbs often severed from our bodies for all kinds of alleged reasons. Our lives could be taken from us at the whim of a White person. Our relatives were snatched away from us, sold at a White person's whim with no regard for family relations. This went on for nearly 250 years. Say the words slowly. Two Hundred and fifty years. Does any human being really have a grasp of the enduring duration of how long 250 years is?
In that World, that World of Slavery, where who is, and who is not slaves is defined clearly by skin color, it doesn't take a rocket scientist to imagine certain things. First amongst these imaginings, is the idea that any particular Black person with clear common sense in that context might see ALL White people as his enemy, that every single White person he knows is either a slave-owner, an overseer of slaves or someone who will give every resource he or she has to help maintain that system, a system that destroys every conceivable life chance for you and your family. There were, and are, millions of African-Americans who both grasp and analyze this concept just written at a depth that would probably shock the White people who maintain a blind denial, but that is simply the truth. I have brought this concept up of the blind denial of many White people to make the point, that it is my view that this work by James McPherson suffers, at a key and critical juncture, from his blind denial.
Make no mistake about it, Slavery as a concept was the ultimate declaration of War, where the overriding, vast majority of American White people did everything they could to maintain that State of War against Black people. It would have been totally rational for a Black person existing within the context of Slavery to see every single White person he met, figuratively, and literally, as an armed soldier of the opposing Army of White people. Anyone who simply imagines the gut-wrenching, soul-shattering, ice-down-the-spine wail of a mother physically fighting off several White men, who are vigorously wrestling with her to take her child away from her to be sold...any person who sees a White person cut off a Black man's leg at the ankle with an ax to keep him from running away from Slavery...any person who witnesses the welt-filled back of a Black man who has been whipped repeatedly for alleged violations of slave codes...any person who simply imagines all of the monstrosities of American Slavery cannot escape the logic of seeing it as a War of White people against Black people. Satan himself could not have thought up some of the things that were done to us as African-Americans during Slavery by White people. Everything that has been said in this paragraph is just par for the course for the vast majority of African-Americans, who are quite sagacious and perspicacious in seeing these concepts.
Any Black person existing in that context of a State-of-War, who might see ALL White people as his enemy, was not crazy. He was simply following the logic of everything that his senses, observations, mind, analysis and experiences were telling him, and he did not need the stamp-of-approval of White people to listen to his own intelligence. Despite the overpowering, tidal-wave-like logic, reason and simplicity of the ideas expressed here, very few Caucasian Historians have had what it takes inside to acknowledge them as truths. The concept of Slavery as a War of White People against Black people was a fundamental, elementary truth accepted by millions of African-Americans during the antebellum period. Despite millions of Black people's understanding of this idea, James McPherson's blind denial doesn't appear to allow him to see the depth at which many African-Americans understood this idea under Slavery. Even if he does “see” it, he cannot bring himself to talk about the African-American independent analysis and agency of Black Insurrectionists.
Given the reality of Slavery as a State of War, it is simple common sense that within the concept of Slave Insurrections, as they are tied to our potential freedom, African-Americans would be, and were, the first, pioneering and self-authorizing agents to pursue them. Serious History, with the heaviest of gravitas, knows of The Stono Rebellion in South Carolina, Sojourner Truth's efforts at abolition, Gabriel Prosser's Plot, Denmark Vesey's Rebellion, Nat Turner's Rebellion, Cinque's Amistad Mutiny, Madison Washington's Creole Mutiny, Harriet Tubman's leading hundreds of slaves to freedom, with all of these efforts authored through the agency of African-American analysis and reality as seen through the eyes of Black people. In addition to this, in 1828, a Black man named David Walker wrote a pamphlet called “David Walker's Appeal To The Coloured Citizens of The World, But In Particular, And Very Expressly, To Those Of The United States of America.” This pamphlet is one of the most sagacious, lucid, reasoned, balanced analysis of Slavery that has ever been written, and its final message is a Gabriel-like trumpet call to African-Americans, urging us to armed rebellion of Slavery. Given that it was written in 1828, it was considered highly seditious and the South went to great lengths to suppress it. In some places in the South, it was said to have been illegal to have copies of it. It is also no wonder that David Walker eventually died under mysterious circumstances, with some stating that he had died by poisoning.
Despite the Souths efforts to suppress Walker's Appeal, one former slave who took out his own form of vengeance was a man named Nat Turner. In 1831, Turner took a band of slaves on a bloody rampage in Virginia, killing every single White person his group met, in an excursion that lasted for hours, with some accounts indicating his group killed as many as 70 people. The reason we as moderns do not know the exact number killed by Turner's group is because the White people of the time considered what he did so execrable that they purposely destroyed the Historical record. I would argue that the blind denial of the White people of that time,wanted to blot out the mere notion that African-Americans had the acuity and intelligence to independently analyze reality, and made them destroy the Historical record so that they could live comfortably with their delusion of Black inferiority. They would also not have to deal with the reality of their denial and the ultimate potential repercussions and consequences of what they had done to Black people. The truth and reality of it is that denial did nothing to stop the Nat Turner's Rebellion. If measured simply by the number of people killed, and its real effect on true reality as reality, i.e., American History, Nat Turner's Rebellion in 1831 was far more effective and significant than the one waged and led by John Brown twenty-eight years later. That's right, the Nat Turner Rebellion preceded John Brown's by 28 years, but yet, there is, to my recollection, only one, small, slight obscure allusion to the Turner Rebellion in McPherson's entire 862 page book.
The Nat Turner Rebellion is not “The elephant in the room” of American History. I would argue instead that the Nat Turner's Rebellion is “The planet Pluto in the room” of American History. The reverberations, repercussions, revelations and negative possible consequences for White people laid bare by the Turner Rebellion were that humongous. They were so humongous that all of American culture, from that time to this, has gone out of its way to deny the “Bogeyman” aspect of Nat Turner. Turner, within White popular culture, is the embodiment of the worse possible reality to haunt American life. No doubt he was the worse possible nightmare for the White South in antebellum America. This is why there has been so much effort put into trying to banish him out of the History books. But, any good psychologist will tell you that a highly demonstrative level of blind denial is really a testament to an event's importance.
The major point here, is that of all of the African- American Slave rebellions mentioned above, ALL of them were authored through African-American independent analysis and agency. None of the Black people who were part of the Rebellions neither sought, nor cared, what any White person thought about what they were doing, nor did they feel the need to seek White people approval before carrying out their acts. This is the crux of my criticism of James McPherson.
When he does finally get around to speaking of a “Slave Rebellion” in this book, McPherson chooses to focus on the White man, John Brown. By focusing on John Brown as the sole “Slave Insurrectionist” in his work, it is subtlely implied that African-Americans were just sitting around waiting on our hands for “The Great White Man As Savior” to enlighten us as to how bad Slavery was, and then to lead us to The Promised Land of insurrection. That is the biggest Historical lie ever written. McPherson's focus on John Brown as a Slave Insurrectionist, is a big, wide, round-house slap in the face to all of the African-Americans who led armed Slave Rebellions long before John Brown was ever heard of. I am not criticizing John Brown and his efforts. What I am criticizing is the notion that John Brown was some kind of pioneering Slave Insurrectionist, when in fact, John Brown was simply following in a long shadow and tradition of African-American Slave Insurrections, independently authorized and agencied by Black folks. I am also criticizing McPherson's shifting of the Historical spotlight and credit of glory for Slave Insurrections away from the African-American pioneers and initiators of them, and then applying an exaggerated and bloated spotlight and credit to John Brown. The true Historical spotlight and credit should be shined on the African-American pioneers of Slave Insurrections, not John Brown. Was Brown's planned raid more impactful to American History than Nat Turner's? I don't think so, yet Nat Turner's Insurrection is given nothing close to decent treatment in McPherson's work. No one in the World probably knows the true ramifications of McPherson's negligence of the Turner Rebellion better than James McPherson. James McPherson has no clue as to the bottomless insult he aims at these Black, pioneering, slave insurrectionists and at African-American intelligence in general. How does he prosecute this insult? By focusing almost exclusively and solely on a single White man as the ONLY Slave insurrectionist of significance. It's almost laughable. He makes a White man THE hero of what the Historical facts, logic and reason dictates is a Black phenomenon! McPherson has no idea of the level of insult. No idea. With regard to African-American-led Slave Insurrections, his work does a serious disservice to true History by insisting upon a blind denial of their existence. He basically gives no credit, whatsoever, to African-American-led Slave Insurrections because his White blind denial of African-American intelligence and Agency will not allow McPherson to do so. If McPherson, as a White Historian, wants to live with the delusion of Black inferiority, that is his choice, but he does the reality of History a disservice in doing so.
One could look at some of McPherson's other works, and say, “Well, he does talk favorably about Black resistance to slavery.” They could point to his work on Black Soldiers during The Civil War in both the Union and Confederate armies, and his more-than-a-hints respect for the Black activist, Frederick Douglass, that appears in his work. I think he even has a whole book about Black Soldiers during The Civil War. However, there is one problem with all of these ideas. In each case, the Union Cause, the Confederate Cause and even in the case of Frederick Douglass, the logic flows that McPherson is giving Black people credit here because none of these phenomenons are authored and agencied by independent African-American analysis, that Black people are simply using the armed force under the umbrella that is primarily authored and agencied by White men. Even in the case of Frederick Douglass, Douglass ultimately expends his energy trying to recruit Black men to fight under the umbrella of the Union Army, again, armed force primarily authored and agencied by White men. It seems to be an axiom with McPherson that it is ok for Black people to use armed force to obtain freedom, so long as White people are the initiators, authors and people who channel it. McPherson seems to have a real problem if it is Black people deciding amongst themselves, for themselves, to independently initiate, author and channel armed force through African-American intelligence, eyes and interests. McPherson struggles, and seems to be in total blind denial that there were African-Americans who made profoundly significant impacts on The Civil War who did their own independent analysis and choose what they ultimately did through their own interests and agency.
If James McPherson wanted to do American History serious justice, as it relates to the John Brown Rebellion, there seems a reasonable approach that was available to him. Since all of the Black Insurrectionists mentioned above preceded Brown, McPherson could have talked about the Insurrectionists in their full flower and glory, as background to the John Brown Rebellion. McPherson could have explored what John Brown may have known about each of the Black Insurrectionists mentioned, perhaps laying out the ideas of the Black Insurrectionists and given credit to them in terms of how Brown may have learned from, and been influenced by them. McPherson could have asked the fascinating and exciting questions, “Did John Brown ever read 'David Walker's Appeal'? If he did, what did Brown learn from it and how did it affect him.” If McPherson had explored things from the angle I mention, he would have added a layer of complexity and realness to his work. McPherson's work would have obtained a more noble and sublime aspect. He would have given major affirmation to African-American humanity in line with reality. But, by choosing to write major Black Insurrectionists out of his work, McPherson chooses a slight and subtle way to undergird the white supremacy that pollutes and contaminates so much of American History written by White Americans. He maneuvers a nuanced support of a negative false fantasy of Black inferiority. McPherson's book then suffers from one of the major illnesses of a Historical work, the illness of the untold story. The illness within his work is the near-absence of discussions of Black Slave Insurrections independently authored and agencied by African-Americans. McPherson writes his book as if John Brown existed in a vacuum, with no possible Historical importance to the efforts of the Black Insurrectionists who preceded Brown and no influence upon Brown attributable to these previous Black Insurrectionists. In a strange developing of things, in not including facts about Black Insurrectionists in his work, McPherson is attempting to destroy the Historical record of them, which is right in line with what the White people of Southampton county Virginia did in 1831 in reference to The Nat Turner Rebellion. In both cases, this means that true History misses out.
PS--I read McPherson's work no more than 2 pages at a sitting. This is the only way I could digest this mountain of information, to “eat this elephant-of-a-book-of 862 pages only one spoonful at a time.” It takes Job-like patience to do it this way. This is not the kind of book I could do marathon reading with, breezing through 30 to 50 pages at a sitting. If I had done that, I would have gotten bored and bogged down. I also looked up all words in this book in a dictionary that were unfamiliar to me, and copied them down into a notebook. Though I pride myself on having a very comprehensive reading vocabulary, McPherson's verbiage had me looking up and writing down quite a number of words. I am glad that I read the book slowly and to have also looked up all necessary vocabulary words, absorbing much more information doing it this way than any other way. It took me 6 months to read it, but I am profoundly blessed to have done it my way. I can only hope the level of my reading is reflected in this review.
Relevant References And Resources To Give Credit Where It Is Due And To Help Shore Up One's Understanding of The Civil War:
1. “Cry Liberty: The Great Stono River Slave Rebellion of 1739” by Peter Charles Hoffer
2.“Sojourner Truth: A Life, A Symbol” by Nell Irvin Painter
3.“Gabriel's Rebellion: The Virginia Slave Conspiracies of 1800 & 1802” by Douglas R. Egerton
4.“Denmark Vesey: The Buried Story Of America's Largest Slave Rebellion And The Man Who Led It” by David Robertson
5.“David Walker's Appeal To The Coloured Citizens of The World, But In Particular, And Very Expressly, To Those Of The United States of America” ed. By Charles M. Wiltse
6.“Nat Turner's Slave Rebellion” by Herbert Aptheker.
7.“Mutiny On The Amistad” by Howard Jones.
8. "The Creole Mutiny: A Tale Of Revolt Aboard A Slave Ship" by George Hendrick and Willene Hendrick
9.“Harriet Tubman: Imagining A Life” by Beverly Lowry
10.“Harriet Tubman: Conductor On The Underground Railroad” by Ann Petry.
11.“There Is A River: The Black Struggle For Freedom In America” by Vincent Harding.
12. "The Racial Contract" by Charles W. Mills.
“I order and declare that all persons held as slaves within the designated states henceforward shall be free. Such persons of suitable condition will be received into the armed service of the United States. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, as warranted by the Constitution and upon military necessity, I invoke the judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.” - Abraham Lincoln, 1863 Emancipation Proclamation
“Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” - Abraham Lincoln, 1863 Gettysburg Address
************
James McPherson begins his Pulitzer Prize winning account of the American Civil War in 1848 after the attack on Mexico City and Santa Anna’s surrender, annexing the current states of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah and Colorado. Many of the lieutenants who fought in the Mexican-American war of 1848 went on to become generals who fought against one another in the Civil War; Ulysses Grant, George McClellan for the north, Robert E. Lee, PGT Beauregard, George Pickett and James Longstreet for the south. In the prior half century the US multiplied its territory four times, GDP seven times and population five times, one eighth enslaved. Growth had been built on the backs of Africans and at the expense of Natives.
A Peculiar Institution - Zachary Taylor 1849-50
Whigs had opposed the Mexican war, among them a young Congressman named Lincoln. Manifest Destiny had been a Democrat doctrine, and debate began if the Southwest would become free or enslaved. A proposal not to extend slavery to new territories divided votes between the south and north instead of on party lines, an ominous sign. California and New Mexico passed free state constitutions, challenging the balance of power in Congress. Taylor was a general who had fought in the war, owned 400 slaves and traded them while in the White House, but became a Whig candidate against expansion of slavery. He died 16 months into his term with an unconfirmed cholera diagnosis and theories of poison.
Yankee Ingenuity - Millard Fillmore 1850-53
Slavery had been abolished north of the Mason-Dixon Line, between Maryland and Pennsylvania in 1820, south of the line the economy was dependent on it. Territories west of the Mississippi were divided between slave or free at the 36th parallel. A Protestant revival had taken up the cause of abolitionism in the northeast. Inventions in communication and transportation transformed the pre-industrial economy. Universal suffrage for white males and education to 15 years of age contributed to technological innovations that rivaled Britain for industrial output and created the world’s highest standard of living by mid 1800’s. Fillmore forestalled civil war by a compromise preventing slavery in California.
A Rebel Yell - Franklin Pierce 1853-57
Transitions from master-journeyman to employer-employee and emerging capitalism challenged Jeffersonian ideals of liberty and self reliance. The new work model resembled slavery in the south with a different master. Disparity of income rose in the north between owners and workers that mirrored wealthy plantation owners of the south. Bank proliferation created a political controversy between the Whig party who favored a central bank and Democrats who saw banking as a tyranny. Republicans succeeded the Whig party in 1854 as standard bearers of anti-slavery, opposing the Democrats who favored limited government and state rights. Pierce was a staunch Democrat and anti-abolitionist.
A House Divided - James Buchanan 1857-61
Republicans of the era were progressives who stood for a free labor economy, infrastructure development, education and protective tariffs, while Democrats were reactionaries who argued that abolition would tear the Union apart. They had support by underclass artisans and farmers, outsiders such as Catholic immigrants from Ireland and Germany who resented the forced education and temperance promoted by Protestant northerners, as well as the rich slave holders of the south. It’s notable the relative positions of the parties have reversed in many ways over the years. Buchanan was a Democrat who intervened to deny black citizenship in the Dred Scott case and supported slave ownership in new states.
Against Itself - Abraham Lincoln 1861-65
A fugitive slave law had been passed in 1850 where owners could travel to free states and reclaim escapees, increasing political rancor between the north and south. Another cause for resentment in the south was economic. The south had a cotton monoculture that used northern shipping and mills to export both raw materials and finished textiles. In turn they bought manufactured goods from the north, everything from shoes to shovels. They could not keep up with the industrial and population growth of the north. Enslaved workers had little incentive to increase productivity and owners wealth was tied up in land and slaves. The ghost of Jefferson’s agrarian republic loomed large in the minds of the south.
Cannot Stand - Abraham Lincoln 1861-65
After his debates with Stephen Douglas in 1858, Lincoln was elected the first Republican president in late 1860 due to a split in the Democratic Party. The precursors to the south’s secession were the ‘Bleeding Kansas War’, waged between pro-slavery and anti-slavery forces between 1854-61, and Virginia’s John Brown slave rebellion of 1859. Threats to split the Union over slavery rights in the new territories had been made for years and the election of an anti-slavery northerner ratcheted up tensions. In months seven southern states seceded and attacked Fort Sumter. It resulted in a war that killed as many US soldiers as WWI & WWII combined, more than all other wars from the Revolution until now.
This 20 year history is encyclopedic and thorough. It’s neither completely chronological or topical. There might have been a way to weave the themes into a narrative or break them into a time line without shifting back and forth. McPherson knows the Civil War period and demonstrates it clearly. It’s not a blow by blow battle account but the course of the war is covered. It is incomprehensible US institutional slavery existed until 1865. Political disputes are reminiscent of today; a hatred of northern coastal ‘elites’ and sidelining of southern blacks, arguments for states rights and against federal power. History lives on in our collective memories and national DNA, in our religious beliefs and daily lives.
The two decades preceding the outbreak of the rebellion are well covered. And the parallels to current times is apparent.
Walking through not just the battlefield strategies, but the economic, foreign policy, and political struggles both North and Rebel territories is enlightening.
An excellent read.
Interesting parallels between Jefferson Davis and Herr Trump.
Top reviews from other countries
The first 300 pages of the book are the best in my opinion, where McPherson draws a magnificent line between the end of the Mexican War in 1848 and the first shots of the Civil War (some papers referenced as early as 1851 "first shots of Civil War at Christiana"). McPherson makes the excellent point that the expansion of the "Union" south and westwards swallowed up new slave states. "Mexico will poison us". That swing the balance towards a Union where there were more slave states than non.
The rise of the Lincoln and the newly formed Republican Party put the south on edge, with their principles, rather than policies, of being anti-slavery. States wanted to secede from the Union and not be beholden to the whims of Washington DC. McPherson tries to be sympathetic to the Confederate view that the war was not about slavery but rather freedom (indeed one must ask the question if Battle Cry for Freedom does actually allude to both sides). However, it seems quite clear that is about the freedom to have slaves or not.
Soon after the war begins, the freeing of slaves from Confederate territory is really what settles the context of the war. Although Lincoln, and many of his soldiers, did not think the war was about that, in essence the matter was inescapable. The increasing casualties and the decision (need) to enlist black soldiers fully swung the war that way. It is quite interesting that Democratic voters, particularly the Irish contingent, were very reluctant to the join the fight to free southern slaves (the Irish were afraid cheap labour would then flood the north and deprive them of work).
I would say I lost some interest when the war began, as the book goes into considerable detail on the battles and the significant escalation in the amount of casualties as battles progressed. The launch of the rifle resulted in a major increase in casualties with old school tactics. There are some great outlines of the generals of Ulysses Grant and Robert E. Lee. After all the hullabalooh about Robert E. Lee, the book doesn't paint him out as any monster, but a many who was a hero in the Mexican War, and himself was against the idea of slavery. In fact, he wished to grant freedom to any slave who would take up arms in the Confederate army (which never came to pass).
There is also a huge amount of economic detail in the book that made it clear the south could never win, both in terms of financial, technological capabilities and manpower. The blockades of southern ports by the superior naval capabilities of the north choked the south. The complicated relationship between the south and Britain is well told. The south suffered terrible inflation, with huge shortages of much needed salt in particular. The cotton industry collapsed, of which it had little else, as most of its machinery etc was made in the north.
Lincoln actually gets surprisingly little personal coverage in the book, nor indeed is there a huge amount of politics. The second half of the book largely follows the armies around on horseback for the war. The book ends quickly with a mentioning of the dispatch of Lincoln by John Wilkes Booth, unimpressed by black people gaining citizenship.
As much as I would like a slightly abridged version, this book has bucket loads of information for anyone interested in the many aspects of the Civil War. It's a superbly written book too, highly readable. It deserves it's place near the top of any "must read" list on the American Civil War.
In that sense, the American Civil War could be considered the purest chunk of history in the world:-
Firstly, because of its radical impact on the shape of the world today. The American Declaration of Independence and the ensuing Revolutionary War did more to change the global political map, but it can be argued that nothing, not the end of empire, not even the two World Wars, did more to change the world's social and economic order. It was the American Civil War that ultimately forged the USA into a nation rather than simply a union, that made aristocracy and serfdom obsolete (one day the rest of the world will catch up), that forced the pace of industrialisation to the point where mass production became the norm, and that in consequence of all this left America as a global superpower in waiting (waiting in fact only for WW1 fifty years later to make it formal).
Secondly, because it was history almost before it was over. This is no joke. This was the first truly modern total war, using (at least in its later battles) modern weaponry and modern tactics. The key psychological battles were fought in the press. Espionage, sabotage and guerrilla warfare played a vital role in the eventual outcome. The leading players were media heroes and villains throughout and after the war, and (with the obvious and tragic exception of Lincoln) they nearly all wrote lengthy self-congratulatory memoirs in the months and years after the war's conclusion. In consequence, and due also to the quality of federal and state archives, this is the earliest war in which the true history has not been obscured by myth: Every political debate and decision, every troop movement, every significant newspaper article and editorial despatch, most military casualties and even the majority of important spoken conversations were documented and preserved for the long process of research and academic argument that began before the war was even over and has been raging ever since.
Thus if you ever had the slightest interest in the past, or the faintest degree of inquisitiveness as to why the world is like it is, the American Civil War is of vital importance. This is true for anyone, not just for the Americans themselves. But with all the thousands of volumes, where do you start? The era has been drilled into in such obsessive detail that someone somewhere has probably written a thousand-page treatise on Kentucky state militia shirt buttons, or located the sites of Robert E. Lee's battlefield latrines through soil spectrum analysis. The American Civil War is almost too big to get into; even a relatively concise narration like Selby Foote's runs to three volumes.
In consequence, McPherson has done the whole world en enormous service in writing "The Battle Cry of Freedom". In one chunky paperback volume, the author tells the whole story of the war from its roots in the early 19th century through to its immediate aftermath. Every important angle is covered, including the political, economic, social, military, diplomatic and humanitarian perspectives. There are enough facts to satisfy the most demanding reader, but through skilful narrative technique and the copious use of footnotes the author never loses the shape of the story. The personalities of the leading figures such as Lincoln, Davis, Grant, McLellan and so on come through vividly. And for anyone who wishes to focus on some particular issue in greater depth, there are heaps of recommendations for further reading.
One of the most appealing facets of this book is the author's willingness to engage with the moral and ethical issues: slavery, taxation, the draft, army foraging, prisoner exchanges and so on. Another star for the warmth with which he deals with human suffering and deprivation (the book's title gives an advance clue to his personal convictions). In short, this is one of the most fascinating books I have ever read - so good I am sorry I have finished it - and it has inspired me to look around for other writings of this quality that will take me further in to this landmark era in history.
There is a Simpsons episode where Lisa is asked about the causes of the war; Lisa starts to give a long list but the examiner cuts her off with "just say slavery." In a sense this is true, of course, but in other ways it really isn't. The South was fighting for states' rights and limited government, fundamental principles of the foundation of the United States. The North presents an even greater problem for the simpistic 'slavery' view: while abolitionists were strong in New England, many if not most of the people of the North had absolutely no more concern for the rights of black people than their opposite numbers in the South. Quotation after quotation after quotation, liberally peppered with a certain word beginning with n, and coming from all manner of Northerners from Lincoln down to the humblest sort, make this abundantly clear. The North was fighting for the preservation of the union from 'traitors,' and that was it, for the first couple of years at least.
There is little doubt that, had the confederacy collapsed more quickly, things would have gone back to business as usual in the South. This produces the curious reflection that it was the extremely able leadership of the South (Robert E Lee being widely regarded as one of the greatest half dozen generals in all human history) that caused the destruction of the slavery cause.
My biggest reservation about this book, by far, is with the Kindle format. I adore Kindle and even prefer it to reading real books generally, but the maps just don't quite work; how can you get an overview when a map covers 5 or 6 electronic pages? Maps are so important to understanding of military campaigns that this is a real issue. Given my time over, I'd seriously consider getting the paperback rather than the Kindle version.
To sign off, an unimportant tidbit, the sort of fun thing you get in very long books: it was this war which popularized the sort of standard sizes in ready-made clothing we are used to today. Previously, clothes were home-made or bespoke tailored, but the need for industrial quantities of uniforms led to standard sizings.
- how Lincoln and the Republican Party neutralised the nativist Know Nothing party, rallied the Union, and built a grand coalition to win back-to-back elections
- the backgrounds and feats of the war’s many generals, on both sides. We are told of how even Grant, Sherman, and Stonewall Jackson faced defeats on the battlefield, but bounced back. Overlooked officers are also covered, eg David Farragut (a Union hero of naval campaigns and the Louisiana campaign) and Nathan Bedford Forrest (a virulently racist Confederate who nevertheless shattered union lines with his cavalry raids)
- the loyalty of the border states, with Kentucky and Missouri both resisting Confederacy’s secessionist pressures
- the frenzied diplomatic work of both the union and Confederacy in Europe, which proved to be essential in preventing British/French intervention on the slavers’ side
- the back-and-forth of the conflict. I did not know that the South faced several defeats after their victory at Bull Run in 1861, or that the Union was given bloody noses by Robert Lee in Virginia after winning Gettysburg. It took until the capture of Atlanta for the direction of the war to become clear. Finding out the political and international tensions caused by the war's uneven progress was fascinating. The Confederacy's unconditional surrender was not assured
Lincoln probably comes out the best in this book, as expected. It is hard to contest the claim that he was America's best president after reading BCOF. A principled man who was committed to a course of action once he began it.











